The informal exit of the United States from the WTO under Trump is the culmination of US frustration with the organization's legislative and judicial rigidity, a frustration that has been building on a bipartisan basis for two decades. The WTO's commitment to a single undertaking, its reliance on consensus-based decision making, and an activist Appellate Body that imposed de facto stare decisis eroded political support for WTO rules in the United States and opened the door for political opportunists to cast them aside. We argue that the original GATT was, on balance, a more flexible and politically savvy bargain despite its imperfections. The 30-year history of the WTO that replaced it suggests the folly of trying to rein in powerful countries with a ‘rules-based’ institution, at least when the rules are unable to adjust to political shocks.

This paper investigates the asymptotic properties of parameter estimation for the Ewens–Pitman partition with parameters $0\lt\alpha\lt1$ and $\theta\gt-\alpha$. Specifically, we show that the maximum-likelihood estimator (MLE) of $\alpha$ is $n^{\alpha/2}$-consistent and converges to a variance mixture of normal distributions, where the variance is governed by the Mittag-Leffler distribution. Moreover, we show that a proper normalization involving a random statistic eliminates the randomness in the variance. Building on this result, we construct an approximate confidence interval for $\alpha$. Our proof relies on a stable martingale central limit theorem, which is of independent interest.

In Transparency and Reflection, Matthew Boyle offers a Sartrean account of prereflective self-awareness to explain the essential link between self-consciousness and rationality, moving away from standard Kantian interpretations that he claims presuppose rather than explain this connection. I argue that Boyle’s account provides useful tools for re-interpreting Kant’s claim that the “I think” must accompany all representations as a form of nonpositional consciousness. I also aim to show that Boyle’s model risks fragmenting the unity of the subject across different representational domains, and that Kant’s account (construed as a kind of prereflective consciousness) has the resources to address this challenge.

Structural changes like globalisation and technical change have empowered business actors in global governance. Yet to become leaders of global governance rather than mere participants, business actors need to legitimise themselves as working for the public good rather than for the maximisation of profit alone. This paper argues that business power becomes authority through the gradual diffusion of ideals of global governance that legitimate the leadership of business actors. We use the concepts of cultural capital and symbolic capital developed by Pierre Bourdieu to conceptualise the construction of business authority. However, we also expand on existing Bourdieusian accounts, which focus on authority construction within fields, by showing how business actors leverage globalisation and technical change to frame discourses that construct their authority across fields of governance. To demonstrate this, we focus on the case of the World Economic Forum (WEF), which has accumulated enough cultural capital to deploy two particularly influential discourses – multistakeholderism and the 4th Industrial Revolution. We show that, by making sense of complex situations, these discourses functioned as symbolic capital and legitimised both the WEF’s own authority and that of business actors more broadly.

The Monte Carlo methods are frequently employed to evaluate the overall characteristics of non-monotonic, non-linear, non-superpositional performance functions. However, the multi-parameter, multi-objective spacecraft separation dynamics model is not amenable to decoupling to produce a result. This paper presents a parametric objective function that can be sampled. It combines the reliability analysis of the complex non-linear spacecraft separation model with Automated Dynamic Analysis of Mechanical Systems (ADAMS) and uses the Monte Carlo method to obtain the separation performance of the spacecraft separation system reliability profile, that is to say, the distribution of separation performance. The performance distribution of the spacecraft separation system was determined and parameters such as spring separation force, spring line of action, module mass and module centre of mass position were found to have a significant effect on the spacecraft separation dynamics by Adaboost machine learning regression.

In early 2023 Kellie-Jay Keen-Minshull—also known as Posie Parker—took her “Let Women Speak” tour throughout Australasia. One of those rallies made international headlines due to the attendance of a small group of neo-Nazis (members of the National Socialist Network) who proceeded to perform Nazi salutes on the steps of Parliament House and on the surrounding streets. At that very same rally an academic philosopher, Holly Lawford-Smith, gave a speech in support of gender-critical feminism. This paper is my attempt to make sense of that moment, through critical engagement with Lawford-Smith’s book Gender-Critical Feminism. Since Lawford-Smith positions her book as a philosophical foundation for the gender-critical movement, my primary goal is to show that this philosophical foundation is both metaphysically and politically flawed. My secondary goal is to consider whether, and if so how, enactment of the philosophical views developed in that book would move us closer to the oppressive world neo-Nazis are trying to bring about.

We consider the nonlocal differential equation

\begin{equation*}-A\left(\int_0^1b(1-s)\big(u(s)\big)^{p(s)}\ ds\right)u''(t)=\lambda f\big(t,u(t)\big)\text{, }t\in(0,1),\end{equation*}

which is a one-dimensional Kirchhoff-like equation with a nonlocal convolution coefficient. The novelty of our work involves allowing a variable growth term in the nonlocal coefficient. By relating the variable growth problem to a constant growth problem, we are able to deduce the existence of at least one positive solution to the differential equation when equipped with boundary data. Our methodology relies on topological fixed point theory. Because our results treat both the convex and concave regimes, together with both the variable growth and constant growth regimes, our results provide a unified framework for one-dimensional Kirchhoff-type problems.

This article analyzes the interplay between medicine and politics in East Germany. It analyzes the meetings of the Politburo medical commissions (1958–60) to frame and define the habitus of a generation, the “Tenners” (born 1910–20), which included most of the experts in the Politburo meetings. This generation consisted of politically committed doctors who were also influential medical scholars, many with international reputations. The Politburo meetings revealed major quarrels between these experts and the Party. The communiqué (1960) issued by the Politburo showed a partial victory for the experts, because the Party acknowledged many of their claims, proving that “totalitarian” interpretations do not hold. However, this was not a victory of medicine over politics. The experts formulated their claims by combining medical and political arguments and defended the jurisdiction of their medical expertise over the Party, precisely because they believed it could more decisively contribute to achieving the goals of socialism.

Despite extensive literature on political participation, little is known about the role of motivational psychology. This study examines whether Locus of Hope (LoH), a personality characteristic that captures individual differences in strategies for goal attainment, is a predictor of political engagement. LoH theory considers both individual variations on self-assessed efficacy for goal attainment (high versus low efficacy) and whether efficacy is characterized by an internal (self-actualized) or external (inter-reliant) sense of agency. Using a novel measure of political goals, we examine the relationship between LoH and political engagement with a demographically representative sample of 784 Canadians. LoH and goal attainment were found to predict political engagement over and above measures of political efficacy and interest. The findings open new avenues of research that can help us better understand why and how some people engage in politics.

The sharpness of various Hardy-type inequalities is well-understood in the reversible Finsler setting; while infinite reversibility implies the failure of these functional inequalities, cf. Kristály et al. [Trans. Am. Math. Soc., 2020]. However, in the remaining case of irreversible manifolds with finite reversibility, there is no evidence on the sharpness of Hardy-type inequalities. In fact, we are not aware of any particular examples where the sharpness persists. In this paper, we present two such examples involving two celebrated inequalities: the classical/weighted Hardy inequality (assuming non-positive flag curvature) and the McKean-type spectral gap estimate (assuming strong negative flag curvature). In both cases, we provide a family of Finsler metric measure manifolds on which these inequalities are sharp. We also establish some sufficient conditions, which guarantee the sharpness of more involved Hardy-type inequalities on these spaces. Our relevant technical tool is a Finslerian extension of the method of Riccati pairs (for proving Hardy inequalities), which also inspires the main ideas of our constructions.

The founding of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is often interpreted as a top-down transmission of Bolshevik ideology. This article challenges that view by asking: how did individuals with divergent ideological backgrounds – anarchists, socialists, and Bolsheviks – coalesce into a centralized political organization? Rather than emphasizing ideological convergence, it foregrounds the role of interpersonal networks and organizational capacity in early party-building. Focusing on the activist network around the Zhejiang Provincial First Normal School in Hangzhou (Hangzhou First Normal School, HFNS), the article reveals how provincial actors with prior organizing experience helped translate competing doctrines into coordinated revolutionary practice. HFNS-affiliated figures brought anarchist-socialist traditions to Shanghai, played key roles in the Weekly Review editorial board, and built ties with both Chinese and Russian Marxists. Drawing on archival materials from police records, newspapers, and personal writings, the article reconstructs HFNS’s cross-regional impact and strategic contributions to the early CCP organization. It argues that the CCP’s foundation was less a product of ideological clarity than of social trust and regional mobilization. By centering the HFNS network, the article contributes to a growing body of scholarship that seeks to provincialize CCP origins and foreground the hybrid, contested nature of revolutionary subjectivity in modern China.

This article discusses the family language biographies of two Spanish-Catalan speaking, white middle-class mothers living in Catalonia, who raise their children in English. The rationale behind their choice is informed by the mothers’ experiences when trying to learn English as young adults in the late 1980s, mediated by their present socioeconomic conditions. In order to lay the groundwork for what is framed as a ‘good’ future for their children, these mothers embark upon a course of action designed to expose their children to English. The analysis, drawing upon a language biography approach and social positioning, reveals the role of parents’ pasts for the construction of the future. Beyond the widely understood tropes regarding the commodification of English within neoliberalism, the families’ actions reveal ideologies and future orientations informed by a complex interplay of historical, political, and economic factors wherein speaking English has become one of the markers of social access. (Family language biographies, Catalan children raised in English, anticipation, futurity)

We consider the random series–parallel graph introduced by Hambly and Jordan (2004 Adv. Appl. Probab. 36, 824–838), which is a hierarchical graph with a parameter $p\in [0, \, 1]$. The graph is built recursively: at each step, every edge in the graph is either replaced with probability p by a series of two edges, or with probability $1-p$ by two parallel edges, and the replacements are independent of each other and of everything up to then. At the nth step of the recursive procedure, the distance between the extremal points on the graph is denoted by $D_n (p)$. It is known that $D_n(p)$ possesses a phase transition at $p=p_c \;:\!=\;\frac{1}{2}$; more precisely, $\frac{1}{n}\log {{\mathbb{E}}}[D_n(p)] \to \alpha(p)$ when $n \to \infty$, with $\alpha(p) >0$ for $p>p_c$ and $\alpha(p)=0$ for $p\le p_c$. We study the exponent $\alpha(p)$ in the slightly supercritical regime $p=p_c+\varepsilon$. Our main result says that as $\varepsilon\to 0^+$, $\alpha(p_c+\varepsilon)$ behaves like $\sqrt{\zeta(2) \, \varepsilon}$, where $\zeta(2) \;:\!=\; \frac{\pi^2}{6}$.

Pascal stressed the importance of ‘reasons of the heart’ in leading us to God, and insisted that the God to whom he turned during his ‘night of fire’ on 23 November 1654 was ‘not the God of the philosophers and scholars’, but the God of the patriarchs and of Jesus Christ. This suggests a very different approach from that of Thomas, who characterises God in seemingly abstract terms, such as ‘being itself’ and ‘goodness itself’. This paper first explores the methodological and epistemological lessons to be drawn from Pascal’s notion of ‘reasons of the heart’ and argues that we have good reason to take them seriously. The second half of the paper discusses Aquinas’s apparently more impersonal conception of the deity, as an ‘infinite ocean of substance’ (John of Damascus) on which all things depend. But it then explores Aquinas’s account of the passage in Exodus where God addresses Moses in personal terms, and argues that this account, together with what Aquinas has to say on the subject of prayer, indicates that the God of his philosophical deliberations can indeed be reconciled with the intensely personal God of Scripture to whom Pascal turned during his night of fire.