This response addresses critical engagements with The Epistemology of Disaster and Social Change, defending and expanding its core argument: that disasters generate epistemic opportunities capable of reshaping societies, for better or worse. Drawing from feminist and standpoint epistemologies, the authors develop a heuristic of the epistemic watershed to map how positionality, rupture, and solidarity produce or inhibit liberatory change. They confront critiques of epistemic uptake, emphasizing the ethical costs of appropriating marginalized knowledge while asserting its centrality to just disaster response. Case studies from the Altadena wildfires and post-Maria Puerto Rico illustrate how queer and Black feminist practices of survival, refusal, and community-building challenge dominant imaginaries and enable democratic transformation. Acknowledging the real harms of epistemic extraction and backlash, the authors argue for coalitional knowledge practices as essential in moments of crisis. Ultimately, they insist that disaster must be reimagined not as a neutral rupture but as a battleground for justice-oriented futures.

Internationally, drug- and alcohol-related morbidity is at its highest recorded levels yet these modifiable risk factors often remain overlooked within systems of healthcare delivery and research. We seek to reaffirm the ongoing commitment of BJPsych to publishing and promoting drug and alcohol research and encourage submission of high-quality articles.

For a prime p, let $\mathcal {N}_p(G)$ denote the intersection of the normalisers of all non-p-nilpotent subgroups of a finite group G and set $\mathcal {N}_p(G)=G$ if G itself is p-nilpotent. We give some properties of $\mathcal {N}_p(G)$ and investigate the influence of $\mathcal {N}_p(G)$ on G.

During World War II, German occupation obstructed foreign tourism to Amsterdam. The local tourist association VVV did not, however, cease its promotional activities. On the contrary; as a public–private association largely financed by the Amsterdam municipality and the local Chamber of Commerce, the VVV functioned as an institutional nexus between the German-controlled municipal authorities, local entrepreneurs in the city’s tourist industry, tourists and local citizens. This article argues that the VVV played a significant role in promoting the return to ‘normalcy’ and an acceptance of aspects of a new normal in the Dutch capital. In a wide variety of initiatives, it encouraged domestic tourists and local inhabitants – largely ignoring the gradual exclusion of Jews – to continue a public life of amusement, cultural enrichment and identification with local and national heritage.

Turnbull-Dugarte and López Ortega (2024) argue that increasing exposure to sexually conservative ethnic out-groups causes instrumental support for LGBT+ rights among those predisposed to disfavor the ethnic out-group. The article presents results from two related experiments, one conducted in the UK and a follow up in Spain, where respondents were randomly assigned to read vignettes about anti-LGBT+ protests, and the identity of the protesters was varied. I outline a series of concerns with the article, primarily related to ad hoc empirical choices. The authors use weights (of undisclosed origin) that follow a peculiar bimodal distribution in the second study but use no weights in the first, and inconsistently use robust standard errors throughout. These choices create a pattern of statistically significant results consistent with their theory, a pattern that disappears when either choice is varied. Additional analyses show that, rather than supporting their theory, the second experiment contradicts it.

We describe the main insights from the papers included in this special issue, Challenges for the Development of Latin America in the Anthropocene: Current Research in Environmental Economics. The contributions are organized around three themes: the economic and welfare impacts of temperature variability, the role of institutions and user rights in shaping environmental governance and the effectiveness of regulatory instruments for managing ambient and atmospheric pollution. Together, these papers show that environmental outcomes in Latin America are deeply shaped by institutional capacity, governance quality and social inequality. By combining rigorous empirical analysis with attention to local contexts, they demonstrate how environmental economics can inform policy responses to the triple planetary crisis of climate change, biodiversity loss and pollution.

Ireland’s historical coordinates are shifting, prompting a re-examination of national narratives and of the assumptions and anxieties that have kept them in place. Increasingly, stories that disturb rather than coalesce with grand narratives are the focus of historical study, revealing the structural violence used to maintain societal order. This article argues that tending to bigger questions about power and smaller ones about human experience creates space for new and diverse histories. It explores the dynamics that shaped the grand narratives central to Irish history and proposes the idea of imagined and lived encounters as a way of thinking about differentiation, the relational nature of power and its impact on experience and everyday life. An analysis of the concept of respectability is used to probe how power functions. The article concludes with a consideration of the historical archive broadly defined, highlighting the benefits of embracing the ‘unreliable’ witness, listening and accounting for silences, touching the material, and considering imagination as a force constantly at play in the encounters that shape history. The acceptance of this dynamic instability in historical research creates possibilities for new voices and perspectives to emerge.

Monkeys kept as exotic pets by wealthy Romans have hitherto been determined as African species exclusively, specifically Barbary macaques, in the few documented cases of monkey skeletons. This has now been revised following the discovery of three dozen burials of Indian macaques from the first two centuries CE at the animal cemetery of the Red Sea port of Berenike. The special status of these primates among other buried companion animals, mainly cats and some dogs, is suggested by grave goods including restraining collars, apparent status markers like iridescent shells and food delicacies, and kittens and a piglet as the monkey’s own pets. The Berenike material is the most comprehensive source to date for the socio-cultural context of keeping exotic pets. It suggests a resident Roman elite, possibly associated with Roman legionary officers posted at the harbor. The monkey burials from Berenike also provide the first zooarchaeological evidence of trade in live animals from India.

Between December 2018 and August 2019, political activities in Sudan resulted in the overthrow of the incumbent regime. Despite efforts by the security apparatus to retain control, continued mobilization of Sudanese working peoples ensured civilian participation in the transitional government. How did the organization of Sudanese working peoples lead to the overthrow of the regime and challenge the state? Drawing on the work of Global African thinkers, and analyzing organizational documents, systematically collected media reports on the uprising (2018–2019), and insights from ethnographic fieldwork in Khartoum (2022), I argue that the nonhierarchical coordination of autonomous, self-organized groups - such as the Neighborhood Resistance Committees and Tea Sellers Association - representing different sections of the working poeples was central to the movement’s success. These findings enrich our understanding of the Sudanese revolutionary process by showing how coordinated self-organization served as an asset for political change.

A large body of research shows that members of Congress disproportionately represent the interests of copartisans and affluent Americans. Is there also racial disparity in representation? I draw on three standards of political equality—proportionality, race-conscious egalitarianism, and pluralism—and assess the extent to which minority representation satisfies each. To do so, I match roll-call votes in the U.S. House of Representatives to survey data fielded prior to each vote (2006–2016) and use multilevel regression and poststratification to estimate racial subgroups’ opinions. I then examine how closely House members’ voting aligns with these opinions, focusing on districts where White and minority preferences differ. My analysis rules out “coincidental representation’ driven by similar opinions across groups and accounts for how much of each racial group’s national population resides in each district. Among districts where racial group opinions differ, I find strong support for the proportionality over the race-conscious egalitarian standard: Racial minority representation is substantially greater in majority–minority districts than in those that are not. However, I find strong evidence for the race-conscious egalitarian standard among Democratic legislators and moderate evidence for the pluralist standard among all legislators, as voting tends to align with racial minority opinion on explicitly race-targeted bills.

Taiwan is regarded as the vanguard of LGBT+ rights in Asia. We conducted a scoping review to map research on LGBT+ inclusion in Taiwan, identify knowledge gaps and propose future directions for research and policy. Results indicate a predominant focus on health, with the over-representation of gay men and exclusion of lesbian and bisexual women and transgender/gender diverse people. Despite being the first Asian jurisdiction to legalise same-sex marriage, insufficient policy protections were evidenced concerning family formation, adoption, and parenting, with family systems that largely exclude LGBT+ people. Findings reveal pervasive discrimination and exclusion in education, an economic system that restricts LGBT+ people’s employment opportunities and advancement, and a healthcare system that lacks competencies in serving LGBT+ people. Future research on LGBT+ inclusion in Taiwan should address understudied populations, provide disaggregated data on LGBT+ individuals, and advance evidence to support policy protections in education, economic, family, health, and political domains.

In 1976, Cameron, Goethals, Seidel, and Shult classified all the graphs whose smallest eigenvalue is at least $-2$ by relating such graphs to root systems that appear in the classification of semisimple Lie algebras. In this paper, extending their beautiful theorem, we give a complete classification of all connected graphs whose smallest eigenvalue lies in $(\! -\lambda ^*, -2)$, where $\lambda ^* = ho ^{1/2} + ho ^{-1/2} \approx 2.01980$, and $ho$ is the unique real root of $x^3 = x + 1$. Our result is the first classification of infinitely many connected graphs with their smallest eigenvalue in $(\! -\lambda , -2)$ for any constant $\lambda \gt 2$.