There is scientific consensus that an earthquake of a magnitude of at least 7 will soon occur on the North Anatolian Fault, which runs south of İstanbul. This earthquake would render one-fifth of İstanbul’s buildings uninhabitable, which means that approximately 200,000 buildings would be expected to suffer moderate or severe damage. As a part of preparedness for the anticipated earthquake, people in İstanbul are invited to have their buildings risk tested. This article, pivoting on cultural anthropology and science and technology studies, investigates how earthquake-proneness of buildings in İstanbul is technically and legally examined and determined. It ethnographically analyzes the risk assessments and demonstrates that the risk is enacted differently through distinctive engineering practices and legal regulations in different networks. When the two different risk assessment processes are examined in İstanbul, a building that is categorized as risky due to its earthquake vulnerability could be regarded as sturdy in the other assessment.

İstanbul was the only one of the capital cities of the defeated Central Powers to suffer a military occupation for almost five years between 1918 and 1923. The question posed in this Postscript is whether occupied Istanbul resembled cities within the orbit of the British and French empires of the time? The tentative answer we propose is that Istanbul was a cosmopolitan city turned into a colonial outpost of the British and French empires. Within this context, aspects of the cultural life of Istanbul took on a number of political colourations, examined by the authors whose essays precede the Postscript.

This article looks at Topkapı Palace as a showcase reflecting the changing cultural heritage policies of the Allies, as well as of the İstanbul and Ankara governments, during the occupation of İstanbul from 1918 to 1923. It analyzes the military, archaeological, and cultural facets of the occupation, focusing first on the military takeover of the Topkapı gardens, then on the French archaeological mission at the Seraglio, and finally on conflicts over the possession of the imperial treasures and sacred relics. Drawing on primary sources from Ottoman, Turkish, French, and British archives, memoirs, letters, newspapers, and visual material, this article explores the versatility of cultural heritage policies during the occupation and the entangled relations among various power groups, institutions, and actors. The military, strategic, cultural, and historical significance of the royal complex, together with its invaluable imperial collections, made the historic palace a place of rivalry and contestation, as well as deception and cooperation, among various agents and actors, including the Ottoman military and bureaucratic officials, local and foreign archaeologists, the dynastic family, the Interallied government, the occupation forces, and the Turkish resistance forces, ultimately reflecting the military and political empowerment of Ankara.

In the summer of 2022, renewed excavations were conducted at the site of Gird-i Begum in the Shahrizor Plain, Kurdistan Region of Iraq. The project aims to examine patterns of mobility, exchange, and resource acquisition practiced by the inhabitants of Gird-i Begum over time. To do so we re-examine the stratigraphic sequence, with a focus on continuities and breaks in site occupation. While the earliest occupation of the site dates to the Halaf period, with limited occupation traces attested during the Ubaid period, the settlement appears to have reached its largest extent during the Late Chalcolithic, which was one of the main foci of this year’s investigations. Our excavations confirmed the presence of Late Chalcolithic levels on the Upper Mound, with an analysis of the pottery as well as 14C dates indicating a chronological span from LC 3 to early LC 4. Work on the Lower Mound brought to light a substantial and previously undocumented Early Bronze Age occupation phase in the early third millennium B.C.E. The massive presence of snails characterizing layers of both periods additionally raised intriguing questions about subsistence strategies and potential crisis at the site.

This article explores a possible correlation between centralised planning and economic homogenisation within residential neighbourhoods in ancient cities. Pre-planned and constructed urban living quarters may have contributed to the concentration of residents with similar levels of material wealth. Distinct groups of people may be identified among different districts, neighbourhoods or specific sections within a neighbourhood at the intra-site level. Several examples from different parts of the world are given to show this correlation. Also, a case study to test this correlation is drawn from the third millennium B.C. cities of Tell Asmar and Khafajah in central Mesopotamia. Excavations at these sites unearthed dozens of houses within residential neighbourhoods, with one of the occupation areas at Khafajah displaying a well-structured project dating to around 2400–2300 B.C. Utilizing the Gini coefficient and Lorenz curve, I observe that the houses constructed as part of the centralised project exhibit a slightly higher degree of economic similarity compared to those houses found at other levels within these sites.

Interpretation of the function and role of the Mesopotamian – and peri-Mesopotamian – bevel-rim bowl (BRB) is enriched by recent residue analysis methods. A promising theme of secondary and even alternative primary uses of the BRB in the Uruk periphery during the fourth millennium B.C. is emerging. I make the case for such uses hinging not on its general utility as a small rough bowl (where it would compete with a range of conical cups) but on its pivotal characteristics: a sophisticated system of rapid, low skilled, production line manufacture of containers with specific features (notably thick walls for heat retention), and with an elegant technology-transfer concept of a single BRB as a portable manufacturing template and mould, notably suited to mobile groups. The BRB’s novel ‘system’ suggests it was initially devised for one specific purpose – as I argue, for large-scale baking of leavened bread, perhaps for commensal feasting events. But the renowned BRB discard stacks or stockpiles (perhaps from single-use commensality events or seasonal batch BRB manufacture) lent them readily to secondary use, notably in the Uruk periphery, where their original cultural resonance may have been diluted. The BRB’s virtues of speed and ease of manufacture might well then have encouraged production for more general purposes and new needs, including culinary – an evolution potentially detectable through morphology. The residue analysis to date additionally suggests a specific functional factor in the adoption of BRBs for secondary and eventually primary use: their heat retentive capabilities, making them specifically valuable as ‘thermal paint-pots’ for meltable materials such as bitumen, beeswax and animal fats. These materials could be heated in a larger vessel and decanted into thermally efficient BRBs for use, perhaps with a form of paintbrush, for coating, in a wide range of industrial and other uses.

This article provides an edition of a group of unpublished cuneiform tablets from the Old Babylonian period (c. 2003–1595 BCE) excavated at the archaeological site of Tall Ḥarmal, ancient Šaduppûm. The texts consist of economic accounts as well as one round school tablet. The former in particular highlight some aspects of agriculture and land use when the city was under the control of king Ibāl-pî-El II (1779–1765 BCE) of Ešnunna. Thanks to the systematic excavations, most of the Šaduppûm texts are stored in the Iraq Museum and can fortunately be associated with their archaeological context, which makes it easier to reconstruct their archival relationships.