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SUMMARY: European ceramics recovered from excavations and fieldwalking in Nevis present a consistent picture of the wares available during the first 250 years of the island's colonial history. Earlier assemblages comprise a wide range of British and European wares of the types commonly found in colonial contexts, but by the end of the 18th century a near total reliance upon British-made goods is evident and the importance of Britain's major industrial pottery producing centres is clear.
INTRODUCTION
The writer first had the opportunity to examine ceramics from Nevis in 1998, when Channel 4's Time Team TV programme undertook excavations at Mountravers and test pitting at Jamestown. An initial report on the ceramics was prepared for the resulting report, with a more detailed report compiled following analysis of the ceramics under more favourable conditions back in the UK. Subsequent excavations at Mountravers, together with field survey at the nearby site of a slave village, directed by Roger Leech and Bruce Williams, have yielded a much larger and more varied artefact assemblage which offers fresh insights into the material culture of a plantation house, while further fieldwork and test pitting at Jamestown in 2000, 2002, and 2003 yielded further evidence for the early settlement and later activity on that site.
In addition to ceramics from Mountravers and Jamestown, material has been examined from the 2000–1 excavations in Charlestown; plantation sites at Fenton Hill, Upper Rawlins, and Low Ground; and a post-emancipation village, Nugent’s. Other ceramics have been found in the island's fields during field-walking and as casual finds by local people. All seem to provide a consistent picture of the range of ceramics used on Nevis, and one which corresponds closely to that formed from the archaeological finds.
POTENTIAL OF THE CERAMIC EVIDENCE
The role of ceramics in historical archaeology is well-known and needs no reiteration here.
SUMMARY: 350 years after the first clearing of the forest to create a classic sugar cane landscape between sea-level and the 1000-foot contour, sugar production was threatened by more efficient, large-scale production elsewhere. The year 2005 was the island's last sugar crop. The sugar railway is now used by a modern scenic train, which offers passengers an unparalleled journey into one of the Caribbean's most important heritage landscapes. The film (46 minutes) follows the train's journey, with side trips to great houses, sugar mills, and Brimstone Hill Fortress; and uses historical maps and drawings to complement the contemporary filming.
St Kitts was the last remaining small-island sugar cane landscape in the Caribbean Islands, which is the focus of a documentary film, St Kitts Scenic Train: Journey into an Island's Heritage (this can be viewed on YouTube: https://youtu.be/eSnMRCk-AMk; see also Found 2014). Construction of the railway, which circles the main part of the island, in the early 20th century (and accompanying construction of a large, modern sugar factory in the capital, Basseterre) allowed the island's sugar producers to compete in a rapidly changing global sugar market. Now, 350 years after the first clearing of the forest to create a classic sugar cane landscape between sea-level and the 1000-foot contour, sugar production was once again threatened by more efficient, large-scale production elsewhere. At the time of the 2005 meeting it appeared likely, and then proved to be so, that 2005 was the island's last sugar crop. The sugar railway is now used by a modern scenic train, which offers passengers an unparalleled journey into one of the Caribbean's most important heritage landscapes. The film (46 minutes) follows the train's journey, with side trips to great houses, sugar mills, and Brimstone Hill Fortress; and uses historical maps and drawings to complement the contemporary filming. It presents a view of an historic landscape which is now lost forever, and provides links to many of the papers included in this volume.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Found, William C. 2014, ‘The St Kitts Scenic Railway: A Journey into an Island's Heritage’, Chapter 17 in M. Conlin and G. Bird (eds), Railway Heritage and Tourism: Global Perspectives, London: Channel View Publications, 247–62.
SUMMARY: An archaeological field survey of just over 5,000 hectares, within the parish on Nevis of St Thomas Lowland, part of a British Academy funded project undertaken by the University of Southampton and Bristol City Museums, focused on the landscape of the plantations of Mountravers and those to the south and north. Using methodologies developed in Britain for rapid archaeological field survey and historical documentation, the houses, yards, works, and sometimes gardens of at least nine plantations were identified and mapped, together with connecting roads, bridges, and a fort. Identification of slave village sites was confined to Mountravers itself. Field survey results were linked to documentary sources in both Nevis and Britain. Recommendations are then made for future preservation and presentation linked to those recently made by the UNESCO funded International Committee for Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) to the Nevis Island Administration for the protection and preservation of the diverse culture and heritage of the island.
INTRODUCTION
A survey of the landscape of Mountravers and the plantations to north and south was the second of the two sample surveys undertaken for the British Academy funded colonial landscape project (Preface), the first being the survey of St Mary Cayon and Christchurch Nicola Town on St Kitts, already discussed by Philpott (Chapter 7). This chapter is written so as to complement rather than repeat the earlier chapters.
As on St Kitts, the survey was set within the strategic objectives set out in the Preface (p. xx), specifically here: -
1 To undertake a reconnaissance survey of the 17th-and 18th-century colonial landscape of the landscape of Mountravers and the plantations to north and south
2 To identify the extent to which plantation centres have been abandoned or have changed through time, from the 17th to the 20th centuries
3 To identify the archaeological and above ground remains of the slave villages for the plantations
The survey area (Fig. 12.1) was located within the recorded north and south boundaries of the plantations to the north and south of the Mountravers estate as defined in modern times. Chronologically, the survey concentrated on the periods up to the introduction of steam technology for sugar processing in the 19th century.
SUMMARY: The destruction of Jamestown, Nevis, in 1690 by a tidal wave, or tsunami, has been the subject of hurried reports in contemporary news broadsheets, Victorian romantic legend, enthusiastic local histories, and even quick assessment by reality-TV archaeologists. Documentary and archaeological research has revealed the location, extent, and details of this early English colonial settlement, which have proved to be often at odds with previous assertions and assumptions. Evidence of destruction by natural forces corroborates the story of Jamestown's fate, but exposed walls lying on the ocean floor must be dismissed as fanciful. The human tragedy of the 1690 earthquake and tsunami can now be presented as fact, stripped of fiction and fable.
This paper summarizes archaeological investigations conducted from 2003 to 2006 at the site of Jamestown, a ‘lost’ commercial settlement on the leeward shore of the island of Nevis. According to local legend and lore, Jamestown vanished in 1690, destroyed by a tsunami. The town's end came, without warning, on April 5, 1690, ‘about five of the Clock in the Afternoon,’ an eyewitness would remember in a letter to a friend in London. ‘We heard a rumbling Noise, like that of distant Thunder,’ the eyewitness wrote, ‘from the Bowels of the great Mountain, … in the very Navil of the island.’ This earthquake was different from trembles that had rattled the island before. ‘So strong was the Motion,’ the eyewitness recounted, ‘that … [a] few Moments after the Noise began, … a … Earth Quake, which shook the whole island to that degree, that all the Houses in Charles Town that were built of Brick or Stone, dropt of a sudden down from the Top to the Bottom.’ The sea then suddenly receded, ‘for a time forfeit the Shoar for about three quarters of a Mile together, and left a great Number of Fish of a large size to lye gaping upon the Sand, till it returned again.’ This ‘violent Motion of the Water’ repeated ‘diverse times’, and we can imagine that when the sea ‘returned again’ it lifted and then slammed mats of debris against walls, houses, and anything else that lay in its path. No other reports of this earthquake or its effects survive (Fig. 9.1).
This study of post-medieval colonial landscape archaeology brings together two separate but linked strands of research. The first is a research project initiated in 2001, when the author was awarded a larger research grant by the British Academy to assess the archaeological evidence for the early colonial settlement and landscape of the two eastern Caribbean islands of Nevis and St Kitts, a pilot project for the historical archaeology of the Atlantic rim, to be undertaken in collaboration with Dr Mark Horton, then of the University of Bristol, and Bruce Williams, then manager of Bristol and Region Archaeological Services in Bristol City Museums. The second was the meeting held in conjunction with the research project and convened by the Society for Post-Medieval Archaeology on Nevis in 2005, and initiated by the author who was at that time its President. The meeting was to coincide with the research then being undertaken as a result of the British Academy grant and to provide, through discussion and subsequent networking, an input to the scholarly publications which would in due course emerge. This aspect of the meeting has been entirely successful, and many of the contributors now remain in contact as a result. Scholars who participated in the meeting have also been busy drawing on these experiences and contacts and producing their own publications in the interim, some of which should be highlighted here for their important contributions to Caribbean studies.
THE BRITISH ACADEMY PILOT PROJECT
Background
The English Leeward Islands were colonized from the late 1620s onwards. By the end of the century the islands were densely settled and their wealth, shipped principally to Bristol and London, far outstripped that of the North American colonies in total. This is a remarkable story, explored by historians but scarcely at all through its archaeology. Much of what might be known of the early settlement of the islands still awaits telling. The archaeological examination of much of the colonial landscape, the plantations and fields of the 17th and 18th centuries, has still to be undertaken, enabling the material record to be considered alongside the meagre documentary sources, decimated by fire, hurricanes, earthquakes, tidal waves and other European powers.
This study proposes that monuments are technologies through which communities think. I draw on conceptual blending theory as articulated by Mark Turner and Gilles Fauconnier to argue that monuments are material anchors for conceptual integration networks. The network model highlights that monuments are embedded in specific spatial and socio-historical contexts while also emphasizing that they function relationally by engaging the imaginations of communities. An enactivist understanding of these networks helps to explain the generative power of monuments as well as how they can become dynamic and polysemic. By proposing a cognitive scientific model for such relational qualities, this approach also has the advantage of making them more easily quantifiable. I present a test case of monumental installations from the Iron Age Levant (the ceremonial plaza of Karkamiš) to develop this approach and demonstrate its explanatory power. I contend that the theory and methods introduced here can make future accounts of monuments more precise while also opening up new avenues of research into monuments as a technology of motivated social cognition that is enacted on a community-scale.
Large-scale archaeogenetic studies of people from prehistoric Europe tend to be broad in scope and difficult to resolve with local archaeologies. However, accompanying supplementary information often contains useful finer-scale information that is comprehensible without specific genetics expertise. Here, we show how undiscussed details provided in supplementary information of aDNA papers can provide crucial insight into patterns of ancestry change and genetic relatedness in the past by examining details relating to a >90 per cent shift in the genetic ancestry of populations who inhabited Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age Britain (c. 2450–1600 bc). While this outcome was certainly influenced by movements of communities carrying novel ancestries into Britain from continental Europe, it was unlikely to have been a simple, rapid process, potentially taking up to 16 generations, during which time there is evidence for the synchronous persistence of groups largely descended from the Neolithic populations. Insofar as genetic relationships can be assumed to have had social meaning, identification of genetic relatives in cemeteries suggests paternal relationships were important, but there is substantial variability in how genetic ties were referenced and little evidence for strict patrilocality or female exogamy.
Pottery made in the Aegean during the Late Bronze Age has been found in many parts of the Mediterranean-Mycenaean dinner and storage vessels, for example, have been discovered at some four hundred sites outside Greece. These artifacts provide one of the main sources of information on Mycenaean trade and interregional contact, but the role of pottery in international exchange during this period is still not properly understood. Gert Jan van Wijngaarden brings us closer with this study, which investigates patterns of consumption for the three biggest importers of Mycenaean pottery: the Levant, Cyprus, and Italy.
Research on the social dimensions of climate change is increasingly focused on people's experiences, values and relations to the environment as a means to understand how people interpret and adapt to changes. However, a particular challenge has been making seemingly temporally and geographically distant climate change more immediate and local so as to prompt behavioural change. Environmental humanists, anthropologists and historians have tried to address the challenge through analysis of the experiences, philosophies and memories of weather. Archaeology, commonly preoccupied by hard science approaches to climate change, has largely been absent from this conversation. Nevertheless, with its insights into material outcomes of human experiences and relations, it can become integral to the discussion of ‘weathering’ climate change and historicizing weather. Here, drawing on the subtleties of responses by Ilchamus communities in Kenya and using a mix of historical and archaeological sources, we highlight their experiences of weather since the end of the Little Ice Age and explore the potential of building archaeologies of weather.
Despite growing strength in recent decades, an archaeology of childhood has often been overlooked by those studying prehistory. This is concerning because communities are enlivened by their children, and conversations with and about children often provide a critical arena for the discussion of aspects of societies which prehistorians are comfortable addressing, such as social structure, identity and personhood. Through an exploration of childhood as expressed in the Earlier Bronze Age burials from Ireland, this article demonstrates that neither written sources, artistic depictions nor toys are necessary to speak of children in the past. Indeed, an approach which tacks between scales reveals subtle trends in the treatment of children which speak to wider shared concerns and allows a reflection on the role of children in prehistory.
Medieval women are typically portrayed as secluded, passive agents within castle studies. Although the garden is regarded as associated with women there has been little exploration of this space within medieval archaeology. In this paper, a new methodological framework is used to demonstrate how female agency can be explored in the context of the lived experience of the medieval garden. In particular, this study adopts a novel approach by focusing on relict plants at some medieval castles in Britain and Ireland. Questions are asked about the curation of these plants and the associated social practices of elite women, including their expressions of material piety, during the later medieval period. This provides a way of questioning the ‘sacrality’ of medieval gardening which noblewomen arguably used as a devotional practice and as a means to further their own bodily agency through sympathetic medicine.
Signalling is a critical capacity in modern human cultures but it has often been difficult to identify and understand on lithic artefacts from pre-literate contexts. Often archaeologists have minimized the signalling role of lithic tools by arguing for strong form-function relationships that constrained signalling or else imposed ethnographic information on the archaeological patterns with the assumption they assist in defining the signalling carried out in prehistory. In this paper I present a case study for which it can be shown that function does not correlate with form and that the technology fell out of use 1000–1500 years ago. This means that neither presumptions of continuity in social practice nor reference to tool use provide strong explanations for the size, shape standardization and regional differentiation of Australian microliths. Sender-receiver signalling theory is harnessed to motivate a new synthesis of these microliths, and I demonstrate that not only were these artefacts probably key objects used in public signalling but also that sender-receiver frameworks enable us to infer details about the operation of the signalling system.
Indigenous hunter-gatherers view the world differently than do WEIRD (Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich and Democratic) societies. They depend—as in prehistoric times—on intimate relationships with elements such as animals, plants and stones for their successful adaptation and prosperity. The desire to maintain the perceived world-order and ensure the continued availability of whatever is necessary for human existence and well-being thus compelled equal efforts to please these other-than-human counterparts. Relationships of consumption and appreciation characterized human nature as early as the Lower Palaeolithic; the archaeological record reflects such ontological and cosmological conceptions to some extent. Central to my argument are elephants and handaxes, the two pre-eminent Lower Palaeolithic hallmarks of the Old World. I argue that proboscideans had a dual dietary and cosmological significance for early humans during Lower Paleolithic times. The persistent production and use of the ultimate megaherbivore processing tool, the handaxe, coupled with the conspicuous presence of handaxes made of elephant bones, serve as silent testimony for the elephant–handaxe ontological nexus. I will suggest that material culture is a product of people's relationships with the world. Early humans thus tailored their tool kits to the consumption and appreciation of specific animal taxa: in our case, the elephant in the handaxe.