‘Testamentary Drama’ continues to assess the pitfalls associated with the expression of the will by charting the presence that last wills took both as material and virtual stage props. What I term as the testamentary tradition in English Renaissance drama – plays that address both the restorative and destructive outcomes of testamentary execution – begins with Ulpian Fulwell’s interlude Like Will to Like (first printed 1568). This play focuses on the ruinous effect that Lucifer’s fake will and testament has on the destitute and prodigal beneficiaries who are enticed (and ultimately damned) by the property offered within it. The last will, thus, functions to punish wickedness and reveal the futility of willing itself. Like Will to Like sets a precedent for the popular dramatic function of these documents: last wills typically function as vehicles for testators to impose their personal will over networks of beneficiaries; last wills were commonly used as tools of moral instruction and social control to draw attention to the fraught politics of testamentary inheritance; playwrights consistently portrayed acts of will-making to be disastrously prone to being counterfeited.

On the same day the senate voted a declaration of war against Perseus, and even though it gave an audience to his envoys, it gave no reply to them.1 It also ordered the consuls to make an explicit proclamation to the assemblies, and that the envoys and all the Macedonians were to leave Rome on the same day, and Italy within thirty days.

The chapter explores fascinating and intricate collective instruments engaging both private and public actors that have developed over the past seven decades to insure the complex risks associated with the commercial production of nuclear energy. It tells the story of the evolution of the Paris and Vienna Conventions on third-party liability for nuclear accidents. The multifaceted risks involved are reasonably clear, but they are long term in nature. The time horizon for any viable insurance scheme is also therefore extended. While in principle one might imagine that only governments are able to cover liabilities potentially arising from accidents related to nuclear energy production, it turns out that negotiated intergovernmental arrangements enable private insurance providers to play central and expanding roles in much of the world. The incomplete international regime in place today exemplifies a legalized version of collaborative public authority.

The chapter will help you to be able to describe the different techniques available in CBT, consider the purpose of any given technique in relation to the maintenance cycles it interrupts, and tailor interventions to individual patients, considering their unique strengths and needs.

Question 1: Amongst the following listed sites, which area is most commonly affected in trichotillomania?

Question 1: A 68-year-old gentleman with bipolar disorder has elevated serum creatinine levels suggestive of kidney injury. Which of the following medications is the most likely cause of kidney injury?

This chapter examines efforts by government officials to blunt the impact of social movements on their human rights policymaking. Grassroots solidarity advocates tried to save the victims of the Argentine military regime – including West German citizens ensnared in the Dirty War – broaden the refugee admission program to Argentinean political refugees, and end abuses in the Colonia Dignidad in Chile. Government officials and mid-level Social Democratic politicians did not welcome these demands because they saw activists demands as unwelcome intruders in the making of foreign policy. Yet the Social-Liberal coalition’s attempt to shove aside popular advocacy for human rights in Latin America failed in the face of solidarity advocates’ refusal to give up. State officials and mid-level Social Democrats responded with a technocratic human rights policy that prioritized expert knowledge over the demands of social movements.

The chapter will help you to be able to explain the rationale for the development of a national Primary Care Mental Health Service, describe the concept of stepped care, and reflect on the progress and future for NHSTT both in England and worldwide

Many of the contemporary discussions of the potential for cities to address climate change overlook the historical efforts of cities to protect their residents from environmental harms. In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, before the emergence of the administrative state at the state and federal levels, local governments were often the first level of government to provide many Americans with environmental protection. Supplying safe drinking water was an early priority for expanding cities. With water more readily available, city governments then built sewage systems. They also built parks, established systems for collecting solid waste, and attempted to address air pollution from the combustion of coal. The historical efforts of cities, well documented by historians, emphasize that city governments can positively contribute to protecting the environment. However, these efforts also offers cautionary lessons about the limitations of relying on local governments to address large-scale problems, and help to explain the substantial federalization of environmental law in the latter twentieth century. Federalization diminished the ability of cities to innovate in the environmental field but cities still have considerable legal authority to pursue environmental policies to address contemporary challenges.

This chapter sets the scene for readers of the book by defining British violin culture and placing it in historical perspective. It traces the culture’s arc in time by tackling questions of numerical extent, patterns of activity, and related historiographical issues. It also discusses the societal positioning of string players c. 1870 and outlines the socioeconomic factors that triggered the initial surge in learning and playing, including the new availability of cheap instruments and crumbling assumptions about violin playing being out of bounds to women and girls. It ends by tracking Victorian values and activities that persisted from the 1870s into the 1920s – including socioeconomic aspiration, self-betterment, and beliefs in classical music as a meaningful leisure pursuit – to underline the coherence of the book’s periodization. The chapter counters assumptions that the popularity of violin playing was limited to the 1880s and 1890s and further argues that violin culture’s class composition resists generalization.

Chapter 30 covers the topic of gambling disorder. Through a case vignette with topical MCQs for consolidation of learning, readers go through the management of a patient with gambling disorder from from first presentation to subsequent complications of the condition and its treatment. Topics covered include symptoms and diagnosis of gambling disorder, risk factors, co-morbidities, non-pharmacological management psychotherapies and pharmacolgical management.

This chapter argues that a neoconservative, market-friendly vision of human rights gained hegemony during the first four years of Helmut Kohl’s chancellorship (1982–1986). Christian Democrat Heiner Geißler, the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, Nicaraguan anti-Sandinista activists, market-friendly human rights advocates from the IGFM, and neoconservative thinkers worked to vilify Sandinista Nicaragua and the Salvadoran guerrillas as human rights violators. Claims by market-friendly human rights advocates conflicted with reports from NGOs such as Amnesty International or Americas Watch. Their evenhanded assessments served market-critical advocates to rebut conservatives’ exaggerated claims. However, government officials opted to accept the conservative interpretation. Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher and State Minister in the Foreign Ministry Jürgen Möllemann presented El Salvador as a successful example of democratization that Nicaragua ought to emulate. By 1986, West German government officials dropped the ”silent diplomacy” and took human rights claims seriously in the making of foreign policy. But they also chose a diluted version that excluded social and economic rights.

The Bresciani case is one of a group of early cases in which the legal effect of Community agreements, and their nature as a source of law, was considered. This chapter explores the way in which the specific context of the Bresciani case, the trade relations established by the Yaoundé Conventions between the Community and some of its former colonies, influenced the Court’s presentation of direct effect in Bresciani itself and raised questions about the relationship between direct effect and the reciprocal (or non-reciprocal) nature of a trade agreement, in particular those founded on relationships of integration with the EU. The type of non-reciprocity found in the Yaoundé Conventions, established in Bresciani to be compatible with direct effect, is no longer a feature of EU trade agreements, but the EU-centricity of Yaoundé is a continuing characteristic of agreements based on integration with the EU model. The postcolonial context specific to Yaoundé becomes part of the broader legal context of these integration-led agreements, helping to clarify the part played by reciprocity in interpreting the EU’s international relationships.