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Howard CH Khoe, National Psychiatry Residency Programme, Singapore,Cheryl WL Chang, National University Hospital, Singapore,Cyrus SH Ho, National University Hospital, Singapore
Question 1: Janish has been admitted for alcoholic pancreatitis. It has been four days since admission, and he has been complaining of little humans walking towards him from the nurse counter. The nurse calls you as she noted him to be uprolling his eyes and his limbs jerking. He was also noted to have tachycardia and labile blood pressure. What is your diagnosis?
In Tusculans 2 the interlocutors discuss the value of physical pain. They swiftly agree that it is not the greatest evil but take longer to consider whether it is bad or, as the Stoics think, merely indifferent. Enduring pain is taken to be an indication of courage and manliness (virtus) and this is undermined by the claim that physical pain is not bad. Therefore neither the Epicureans nor the Stoics provide a wholly satisfactory account of the value of physical pain and its relationship to virtue.
(1) Marcus Antonius made peace with the Cretans, which was observed for a while.1 Later they considered how best to structure matters for their own benefit, and the oldest and wisest advised that an embassy should be sent to Rome in order to defend themselves against the charges that had been made, and to attempt to propitiate the senate with reasonable words and petitions.2 Thus thirty of their most distinguished men were sent to Rome as envoys. They went around individually to the homes of the senators, and by putting forth every kind of vocal entreaty, they won over the leaders of the senate. (2) Then they were brought before the senate and made a sensible defense against the charges, recounting precisely their own services and alliance with the empire, calling upon them to consider these to merit their restoration to their previous favor and alliance.
Chapter 3 demonstrates the centrality of fiscal infrastructures to the action of Marlowe’s plays. His Tamburlaine plays, The Jew of Malta, and A Massacre at Paris all hinge on the agencies created by – and the violence associated with –wealth organized into treasuries. The protagonists of these plays – Tamburlaine, Barabas, and the Duke of Guise – draw attention to their own and others’ treasuries, and their stories underscore both the security and the volatility associated with treasuries in action. In each play, treasuries drive the action by creating security for some through extreme violence to others. For Marlowe, treasuries are central to his depiction of geopolitical existence. Fiscal realities, in turn, represent a primary formal mechanism impacting how Marlowe’s characters – and audiences – experience the antagonistic spaces of geopolitical existence. Marlowe’s awareness of the challenges of implementing sovereignty are thus central to his ongoing project of creating theatrical states of emergency.
Howard CH Khoe, National Psychiatry Residency Programme, Singapore,Cheryl WL Chang, National University Hospital, Singapore,Cyrus SH Ho, National University Hospital, Singapore
Chapter 18 covers the topic of acute stress disorder, post-traumatic stress disorder and adjustment disorder. Through a case vignette with topical MCQs for consolidation of learning, readers are brought through the diagnosis and treatment of a patient with acute stress disorder, post traumatic stress disorder and adjustment disorder. Topics covered include diagnosis and differential diagnoses of acute stress disorder, risk factors, management, prognosis, complications and childhood sexual abuse and its management.
Rebecca Aviel (Denver University (Sturm) Law) draws on her deep expertise in family law to illuminate ways in which domestic relations cases are exceptional relative to other legal areas where access concerns are acute. Family law’s exceptionalism, she contends, justifies thoroughgoing changes to that system’s adversarial architecture, such as permitting a single lawyer to represent both sides in a divorce, that are well-tailored to family law even if nonstarters in other parts of the civil justice system. Aviel also suggests that some innovative family law programs might travel well, informing reforms in other civil justice contexts even where they cannot be directly replicated.
Howard CH Khoe, National Psychiatry Residency Programme, Singapore,Cheryl WL Chang, National University Hospital, Singapore,Cyrus SH Ho, National University Hospital, Singapore
Question 1: There are special scenarios where the physician must breach confidentiality to ensure the safety of threatened third parties. This duty to warn a potential victim of a patient is also known as?
Howard CH Khoe, National Psychiatry Residency Programme, Singapore,Cheryl WL Chang, National University Hospital, Singapore,Cyrus SH Ho, National University Hospital, Singapore
Howard CH Khoe, National Psychiatry Residency Programme, Singapore,Cheryl WL Chang, National University Hospital, Singapore,Cyrus SH Ho, National University Hospital, Singapore
Departing from the distinctions among retirement communities, "aging in place," and the newer concept of "aging in community," this chapter presents a definition and typology of retirement communities along with a brief history of these communities in the US. It then offers a literature review on key topics: (a) transitioning into a retirement community, (b) adjusting to and aging within a retirement community, and (c) the well-being of residents in these communities.
Howard CH Khoe, National Psychiatry Residency Programme, Singapore,Cheryl WL Chang, National University Hospital, Singapore,Cyrus SH Ho, National University Hospital, Singapore
Howard CH Khoe, National Psychiatry Residency Programme, Singapore,Cheryl WL Chang, National University Hospital, Singapore,Cyrus SH Ho, National University Hospital, Singapore
Question 1: Kennedy is a 37-year-old married male whose sexual preferences include cross-dressing and a sexual interest in feet. He is in a heterosexual relationship and has no other sexual partners apart from his wife. He can achieve sexual stimulation without cross-dressing and involving the feet. What is his diagnosis?
At several points in the Summa Logicae, Ockham appeals to or relies on grammatical doctrines and terminology. One prominent example of this is his use of modes of signifying (modi significandi), which played a central role in a specific brand of speculative grammar whose proponents were known as “modists” (“modistae”). A central tenet of modism is that there is a correspondence between language and the world, mediated by thought, so that for every mode of signifying there is a corresponding mode of being. Ockham appeals to modes of signifying explicitly in at least three parts of his logic – fallacies, connotation, and synonymy – but his proclivity for ontological parsimony suggests that he would have had no fondness for the metaphysical commitments of modism. I argue that Ockham might be considered a “moderate modist” who denies the ontological excesses of modism but nonetheless utilizes much of its theoretical apparatus in his logic.
When they (the police) were taking away the men (during the 1993 riots in Mumbai), then women wouldn't understand anything. Then they got together and approached the police. When we approached the police in a group, we were be able to rescue our men. We then realised that we could do things – there were many things that we were capable of. This is how the seven mahila mandals (women's organisations) were created in 1998. Women realized they could get together to do something. They started learning many kinds of work. Then many self-help groups were formed.
On 6 December 1992, following the demolition of the Babri Masjid in India, communal riots broke out in several parts of the country. Mumbai witnessed a horrific bout of communal riots in the months between December 1992 and January 1993, which saw enormous violence against Muslim minorities in the city. This violence was accompanied by the Hindu right-wing political party Shiv Sena's attempts to reconfigure the city as a sacred Hindu space. According to official statistics, the death toll exceeded 800, and 1,50,000 residents, mostly Muslims, left the city. About 100, 000 Muslim refugees took shelter in camps constructed in neighbourhoods that were predominantly populated by Muslims in central Mumbai. The role of the police in the riots was widely criticised by civil society actors and later by an investigating committee as they were accused of being mute spectators and at times active participants in the excessive violence against Muslims, especially in the city's slums. The riots transformed the social geography of Mumbai drastically. Mumbai was a city with a high proportion of ethnically mixed neighbourhoods with the Muslim population spread across the city. After the riots, the Muslim population became far more concentrated in central Mumbai and in slums in north Mumbai. This violent spatial reorganisation of the city because of a concerted attack against Muslim minorities catapulted several Muslim women into the public sphere. They were involved in the rehabilitation of riot victims. Subsequently, they began participating in several initiatives that spoke to concerns of gender justice within the family and ultimately became a part of a project for addressing gender equality in the domain of Muslim family law.