To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
Photography has been a particularly important though often under-theorized aspect of archaeological research. Although seemingly simple representations, photographs are simultaneously objective and subjective, truthful and creative. This article considers the contradictory nature of photography generally and the specific relationship between photography and archaeology. It then looks at the Yucatan peninsula of Mexico and examines how individuals have photographed ancient Maya sites, architecture and artifacts from the mid nineteenth century to the present. Initially used to support diffusionist theories of Maya origins, photography was later understood as a neutral and scientific way to record the Maya past. More recently, it has been used to share power more equitably with local communities and to make archaeology a more inclusive and relevant endeavour. Indeed, several have demonstrated that photography is a useful tool for engaged archaeology. This article argues that the reverse is also true: insights from engaged archaeology are useful tools for archaeological photography generally. By making photographic choices explicit and by including people and other aspects of the contemporary world in their photographs, scholars can emphasize that archaeology is a decisively human and necessarily political endeavour, and that archaeological sites and artifacts are dynamic and efficacious parts of the contemporary world.
This article examines how landscape modification was key to the development of an urbanizing society within a valley in Chiapas, Mexico. The Late Preclassic (400 bc–ad 250) site of Noh K'uh demonstrates how both the altered and unaltered environment signified the importance of cosmological concepts within this society. In an area rich with mountains and caves, the natural landscape offered residents opportunities to create symbolically meaningful living spaces. Evidence from local settlements reveals how the cosmological universe played a guiding role during the site's peak growth period, suggesting that other common contributors (such as economic and militaristic needs) of expansion may have been secondary.
Palaeolithic representations can be approached from different perspectives. Studying the creative processes, we can glimpse the decisions that the Palaeolithic artists made and the actions they carried out to materialize an idea. Additionally, the combined study of both graphic and functional actions performed on an object provides a comprehensive approach and understanding of the evidence: in the first place, it allows us to hypothesize about the presence or absence of symbolic purpose of the representations; secondly, it makes the potential choice of eliminating such symbolism discernible for us. The monographic study of a Magdalenian pebble from Coímbre Cave (Asturias, Spain) engraved between 15,680 and 14,230 cal. bp shows that a mistake was made during the engraving process; subsequently an attempt was made to eliminate the representations, and finally the pebble was used as a hammerstone. This paper provides argumentation to reconstruct a complex biography of an object of Palaeolithic portable art, discussing intentional loss of symbolic value of both the decoration and the object and the latter's reuse (as raw material) for an economic or domestic purpose.
Here I evaluate Andean concepts understood from the Quechua and Aymara languages to test their applicability to Moche archaeology—a region where the languages once spoken are now extinct. By focusing on geographical features common to the highlands and the coast (mountains and rivers) and archaeological evidence, I look at broad patterns of Moche material culture and consider how these relate to canal-fed irrigation systems, ceramic spatial patterning and fractaline socio-political organization documented in the colonial-era Chicama Valley. I then present a case study from Licapa II in the Chicama Valley to show that the physical components of the site's layout and the spatial patterns of artifact distribution relate to temporal and socio-political divisions that have their roots in long-standing ideas in Andean thought. Overall, this study shows that through careful evaluation some Quechua and Aymara concepts, namely tinku—or two parts coming together to make a whole—is relevant to the Moche worldview. This concept is manifest through canals uniting and dividing physical space, both socio-politically and temporally. Liquids running through the canals ensure the well-being and energetic flow of Moche society.
The archaeological discourse on the spread of the Neolithic way of life has experienced several paradigm shifts during the last three decades. This chapter attempts to classify different past and recent approaches to describe or even explain that major transformation. A review of Neolithization models suggested for central Europe during the last five decades illustrates changing assumptions and schools of archaeological research. While the more recent regional models tend to integrate elements of demic diffusion as well as indigenous adaptation, some recent general and global models focus on external and internal causes for the Neolithic transformation in a rather deterministic way. While the classical “wave of advance” model (Ammermann and Cavalli-Sforza) can be regarded as characteristic for the broad generalizations of processual archaeology, enhanced spatial and temporal resolution revealed a rather discontinuous and nonlinear process of spread (“modèle arythmique” of Jean Guilaine). It is argued that these “stagnation phases” in the spread of the Neolithic from the Near East throughout Europe, despite having a similar structure, might reflect different regional variants in the Neolithic transformation. In conclusion it will be suggested that “Neolithization” actually comprises quite different processes with specific regional scope and time scale, involving both change and its avoidance.
The Neolithic East Mound and the Early Chalcolithic West Mound at Çatalhöyük are closer in time than has been previously assumed. However, we do not yet see any layers with transitional pottery: The latest pottery of the East Mound, in the TP area, is still very Neolithic. On the West Mound we deal with fully developed Chalcolithic ceramics. The main difference lies in the amount of pottery, which seems related to the fact that in the Early Chalcolithic, pottery replaced basketry in many everyday uses, resulting in the repertoire of vessels used on the West Mound being much more broad. This is especially exemplified by painted ornaments resembling basket texture and by the affinities in vessels’ shapes. Although this change was abrupt and vital, we can observe some continuity between the Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic pottery. Apart from single cases of similar forms and ornaments, similarity can be observed in pottery production: use of the same raw materials and techniques. From a technological point of view, Early Chalcolithic pottery making was not a radical departure from the Neolithic; this represents a strong argument in favor of both mounds at Çatalhöyük having been inhabited by the same population.
It is difficult to make general comments about processes of Neolithization and cultural change in Europe and the Middle East given the increasingly strong evidence for regional diversity, even at two ends of one valley (e.g. the Struma valley as discussed by Lichardus-Itten). Many of the authors in this volume argue that the spread of the Neolithic from the Middle East through Anatolia and into the Balkans and Europe was a complex and locally diverse process involving migration, exchange, diffusion and autochthonous development. Such arguments confound commentaries that seek overall themes and consistencies (as argued by Bleda Düring). “The Neolithic” has become such an enormously long period and there is so much going on at different times, at different rates and in different ways locally that any attempt to build a grand narrative seems doomed. At the level of grand narrative, evolutionary and migrationist views have returned to dominate the discourse (as claimed by Schier), but for many archaeologists (as opposed to biologists or linguists) the details of the stops and starts in the spread of various aspects of the Neolithic require contextual understanding (e.g. regarding Arbuckle and Makarewicz’ 2009 discussion of the delayed adoption of domestic cattle in central Anatolia).
The turn from the 7th to the 6th millennium cal BC is a period not very well known in the northern Levant. Even the recent increase in archaeological data for the Late Neolithic period does not yet allow for a thorough understanding of this time span. However, the data gathered at the site of Shir near Hama document a complex occupation history covering almost the entire 7th millennium cal BC The latest occupational levels date to the last third of the 7th millennium cal BC and are characterized by a great variety of dwellings, among which a large storage building and a separate burial ground are of special interest. This occupation came to an end, without any obvious cause, around 6200/6100 cal BC and, for a long time, did not have any successor site in the immediate surrounding area. For the time being it is not clear whether the desertion of the settlement is the beginning of a general hiatus in the region, whether a new settlement was founded elsewhere, or whether increasingly mobile ways of life began to develop. But in general, the low number of archaeological sites dating to the first half of 6th millennium cal BC might be an indication for changing settlement conditions around 6000 cal BC.
The history of Khirokitia, an Aceramic Neolithic village in Cyprus, is marked by a series of successive events clearly evidenced by variations in the spatial extent and organization of the village; the major one in the course of its occupation was an outstanding shift of the built area that happened around the end of the 7th millennium cal BC. As for changes in climatic, the study of the hydromorphological evolution of the riverbed running at the foot of the hill has revealed the existence of torrential flows and violent erosion that seem to indicate the onset of an erratic and concentrated precipitation during the occupation of the village. This chapter focuses on these main events that affected the village and investigates changes and continuities that can be observed in the environment as well as in the village relationship to the environment, subsistence strategies, craft techniques and activities organization, architectural practices, social organization and rituals.
Grand narratives have proven remarkably persistent in the archaeology of the Near East despite the success of postmodern paradigms in archaeology. After presenting various examples of such grand narratives, this chapter will focus on the “grand connection” postulated in recent years between Çatalhöyük East and Köşk Höyük. Köşk Höyük, with its rich imagery and plastered skulls, has often been presented as the cultural descendant of Çatalhöyük East, continuing the same symbolic worlds that dominated in the Neolithic. In this chapter, this view will be problematized. Apart from the obvious problem that the Çatalhöyük East sequence is now known to continue with that of Çatalhöyuk West, which has assemblages that are completely different from those of Köşk Höyük/Tepecik, there are very clear differences between the Çatalhöyük East images and burial traditions and those of Köşk Höyük. Some of the marked differences that set these sites apart will be highlighted and these may help us to make sense of what happened in Asia Minor at the transition from the 7th to the 6th millennium cal BC.
In the Danube Gorges region of the Balkans, one finds a forager stronghold with continuous evidence of occupation throughout the Mesolithic (at least since 9500 cal BC). Based on the cultural characteristics and repertoire of documented practices, it seems that these foragers were in one way or the other communicating with or being aware of communities inhabiting regions hundreds and even thousands of kilometers away. In the course of the regional Late Mesolithic (ca. 7400–6200 cal BC), there are some indications that the Danube Gorges communities might have emulated/shared certain cultural practices that are characteristic of Neolithic communities in western Anatolia and farther to the east. One could perhaps go so far as to see this region as part of the same “culture area” with other regions of the eastern Mediterranean. Yet, in many other elements of daily life and ideology, these communities remained firmly rooted in older traditions characteristic of Mesolithic communities in the rest of Europe. There is now ample evidence that the foragers of the Danube Gorges came into contact with increasingly mobile Neolithic groups in the last centuries of the 7th millennium BC, which triggered a substantial culture change. This chapter examines the consequences of these contacts and exchanges, and the subsequent, relatively brief, flourishing of a hybrid cultural world.
Recent archaeological work on the Late Neolithic period in upper Mesopotamia (7000–5300 cal BC) shows that this was a period of profound socio-economic and ideological changes. What caused these changes? Did major changes coincide with the turn from the 7th to the 6th millennium? This chapter reviews interpretative approaches, some recent and some not so recent, focusing on the temporal dimensions of the changes observed. A major period of change may be identified somewhat before the millennial turn, around 6250 cal BC. This chapter argues that the role of material innovation as a causal agent for further, unintended socio-economic changes has been overlooked. Specifically, the chapter touches upon innovative storage technologies, the introduction of cooking pottery as a means for processing dairy products and the development of elaborately fashioned serving vessels in the later parts of the 7th millennium.