Coastal systems are a major source of food for Indigenous communities. Climate change poses a high risk to coastal communities’ food security. Successful climate change adaptation practices are essential to ensure food security among Indigenous peoples. Yet, limits and constraints challenge climate change adaptation practices. Our study seeks to identify these limits and constraints in the context of food security among coastal Indigenous peoples. We performed a global scale systematic literature review using 155 scholarly articles to examine the constraints and limits to climate adaptation in the coastal food security and Indigenous peoples’ context. The three research questions are as follows: (i) What are the key constraints? (ii) What are the limits? (iii) What are the ways of overcoming the constraints? First, we found that, globally, the main constraints to adapting to climate change in coastal food security settings are related to governance, institutions and policies. Second, most limits are soft, to be solved, compared to hard limits on coastal systems. Third, we unveiled ways of overcoming the constraints, such as restoring coastal food system resilience, improving food accessibility and building the adaptive capacity of Indigenous peoples. The findings of the study provide valuable insights for policymakers, researchers and other relevant stakeholders involved in decision-making regarding coastal food security in the climate change adaptation context.

International humanitarian law is a subject of universal importance and relevance. Since 1974, the problems of restatement and development have engaged the attention of the Geneva Diplomatic Conference on the Reaffirmation and Development of International Humanitarian Law Applicable in Armed Conflicts.

In this article, Professor J. G. Starke, Q.C. surveys developments in international humanitarian law over the last quarter century and examines in detail Australia's contribution to those developments. The process by which the idea of “laws of war” has come to be superseded by the concept of international humanitarian law is outlined, while reference is also made to the principal sources of international humanitarian law. Australia's interest in international humanitarian law since World War II is discussed, as is the background to the present continuing Geneva Conference and proceedings at its first three sessions in 1974, 1975 and 1976. The contribution of Australia to the work of the Geneva Conference is thoroughly examined. In particular, the stance of the Australian government on various issues before the Conference is set forth in detail. The article also assesses Australia's contribution to the development of international humanitarian law.

Naples suffered a significant loss of political and economic power following Italian unification, a decline seemingly echoed by the collapse of its opera buffa tradition. Yet Naples played a central role in generating an Italian operetta tradition across entertainment venues both old and new, with canzone napoletana becoming a key feature of operettas composed (and performed) across Italy. This article explores the crucial contribution of Naples and the Neapolitan song tradition to the development of Italian operetta, focusing particularly on composer Mario Costa. Neapolitan operetta, I argue, reveals the complex interplay between regional, national and international practices and discourses in constructions of ‘native’ Italian operetta, while exposing the generic and aesthetic ambiguity of Italian operetta within shifting hierarchies and changing repertoires c.1900. At the same time, the study of key figures such as Costa can revise and reorientate musical narratives of Liberal Italy that have typically focused on opera, the Giovane Scuola and the North.

The passage of the Airlines Agreement Act 1981 (Cth), along with other supporting legislation, represents the culmination of the most detailed public debate on airline regulation in Australia for almost 30 years. During this period, Australia has had an airline system characterised by the presence of essentially only two main carriers on the trunk routes. This system has been maintained by deliberate government protection of the two carriers in accordance with the terms of a series of airlines agreements. This protection is to continue. The 1981 Agreement is, however, significantly different from the earlier airlines agreements. The objective of the new Agreement is to maintain the previous two-airline policy “but with the objective of increasing the level of competition within the industry in a rational and orderly manner”.

The public debate that took place prior to passage of the legislation is not likely to cease. There is to be an inquiry to “undertake an objective assessment of the advantages and disadvantages of deregulating the domestic aviation environment”.

Over the years there have been established, at Commonwealth and State levels, a multiplicity of independent or semi-independent public bodies outside the traditional departmental structure. As far as conditions of employment with such bodies are concerned, some fall within the Public Service Board system, while others are governed by separate legislation which tends, however, to bear considerable similarities to the prevailing Public Service Board system. In addition, there may be some intersection of institutions—in New South Wales, for example, employees of a number of bodies which are not under Public Service Board control have, in common with public servants, a right of appeal to the Crown Employees' Appeal Board (though railway and transport employees retain their own appeal tribunal).

The relationship of the King to the persons who actually perform the work of government has changed profoundly over the last 250 years. The purpose of this article is to analyse those changes and to analyse how the common law reacted (or failed to react) to them.

For this purpose I propose first to consider the structure of English government in about 1750. Although the structure was already evolving into a more modern form, in 1750 it was still a relatively simple governmental structure based upon a sovereign Monarch and upon public officers, many of them in regional areas.

At that time the common law clearly distinguished between the Monarch and his officers. Although the extent and importance of the various legal powers and immunities of the Monarch are now often overstated, the Monarch did possess special powers and immunities which reflected or, at least, were derived from his sovereignty.

The principle of subsidiarity was adopted as part of the law of the European Union as a response to perceptions of excessive centralisation and bureaucratisation within the European system of government. If subsidiarity is a solution to these problems in Europe, it might be asked: could it also be a solution to similar problems that arise in other federal systems, such as those of the United States and Australia? However, posing the question in this way is misleading because it is not at all clear that subsidiarity has been a solution in Europe, and in any case it cannot be assumed that a solution in one context will necessarily operate effectively in another.

This article closely examines the nature and operation of the principle of subsidiarity in Europe and asks what lessons might be learned from it. To do this, the article begins by identifying the carefully defined operation of the principle in EU law and then closely examining the application of the principle, firstly as a political decision-making procedure that involves the Member State parliaments in the European policy-making process, and secondly as a juridical principle enforceable by the European Court of Justice. The possible adoption of the principle in other federations is then discussed, but limitations on its effectiveness in Europe, as well as the different institutional and political circumstances of the Australian federal system, are shown to undermine its likely usefulness, unless other more fundamental issues about the way in which the federal system is understood, organised and operated are addressed.

An essential feature of any democratic system is the holding of regular elections that lead to the creation of the government of a nation. It is often said that such elections should be ‘free and fair’. Some obviously fail this test. For example, observers, including representatives of the European Union (‘EU’) and the Commonwealth, found that in recent elections in Zimbabwe the number of polling stations was reduced in strong opposition areas, the body supervising the election was unqualified and the ruling party (Zanu-PF) used violence, intimidation, bribery and vote-rigging to secure re-election. Of course, elections need not be so blatantly violent or corrupt to fail the ‘free and fair’ standard. International observers and opposition parties have, for instance, criticised the recent Russian elections because the state run television station promoted the ruling party while criticising and defaming the challengers.

With the development and widespread use of computer technology difficult questions relating to the legal protection which may be given to computer “software” must be considered. In this article Mr Lahore examines the existing law relating to intellectual property and discusses whether the Patents Act 1952 (Cth) and the Copyright Act 1968 (Cth), as they have been and may be inter-preted and applied, provide suitable and adequate protection for this computer software.

The subject of corporate political donations is highly topical in several countries. The Australian Democrats have called for greater disclosure of donations made by companies to political parties, and for the introduction of a shareholder-approval rule where the donor is a public company. According to Democrat Senator Andrew Murray, ‘ever since the first political donation changed hands, money has been used to influence electoral outcomes and the process of government’.

The problems potentially associated with political donations are probably as old as democracy itself. Where the institution of democracy is coupled with and gives its imprimatur to relatively free market economics, the market for votes takes on characteristics not unlike those of the markets for goods and services. Free commerce and free elections give rise to the possibility of political exploitation and manipulation. Where political power depends on commercial attractiveness, commercial interests can be advanced by contributing funds to those political interests which promise the best commercial returns. Consequently, allegations of wealthy citizens – corporate or otherwise – buying political influence are not uncommon where their capacity to donate to political parties (and the parties’ correspondent capacity to accept) is relatively unhindered.