This chapter summarizes the primary explanations for women’s numeric underrepresentation and sets the stage for examining the gender dynamics of the candidate emergence process. Although several factors contribute to men’s dominance in US politics, we argue that the gender gap in political ambition continues to limit women’s full political inclusion. We recognize, of course, that women’s numeric representation has increased throughout the last two decades. But electing more women to state legislative and congressional seats – while certainly an important step – should not be conflated with closing the gender gap in political ambition more broadly. Because patterns of traditional gender socialization are so deeply embedded, socialized norms and behaviors still keep millions of women from envisioning themselves as candidates and perceiving the political arena as open to them. The chapter concludes with a description of our multiwave Citizen Political Ambition Study, our central tool for shedding light on gender differences in political ambition.

University experience in the 1420s resulted in two nervous breakdowns. No document attests to Alberti’s having been graduated; records are lost, rendering precise knowledge of curricula impossible. Ironically, the university’s primary endowment would be his discontent. Subsequent movement is speculation. Nonetheless, after honing rhetoric and optics – begun in Padua – Alberti finished the play Philodoxeos fabula and his confessional De commodis litterarum atque incommodis – both germane to the pursuit of glory. Visual art exposure evolved with antique motifs of Nicola Pisano and Jacopo della Quercia. Employed by Cardinal Niccol Albergati, Alberti would thence travel to northern Europe and confront the pictorial-architectural innovation there, further impacting prescriptions in De pictura.

The rhetoric of Roman moralising has often seemed alien to modern readers. This book, in linking together studies of apparently diverse topics, might be seen as appropriating a trope of Roman moralistic discourse, presenting arguments concerning different subjects as parallel so that they may serve to reinforce one another. A better understanding of this and similar literary devices, as they operate in Roman moralising texts, can help us to make sense of some features of those texts which modern readers have found puzzling. We begin with an apparently bizarre example of this kind of rhetoric (included in the book of rhetorical exercises put together by the elder Seneca).

A vast scholarly literature addresses the question of why voters in certain electoral districts receive larger allocations of discretionary government resources than voters in others. When resource allocations are found to be positively correlated with electoral support for a ruling party across electoral districts, then it is presumed to favor core supporters. When resource allocations are found to be negatively correlated with support for a ruling party across electoral districts, then it is presumed to favor swing voters. The tournament theory offers an alternative explanation for why resource allocations can vary so substantially across electoral districts. When politicians use tournaments between the municipalities in their electoral districts to win elections, then across electoral districts, the size of a district’s resource allocation will be influenced by the relative sizes of municipalities therein. Moreover, this variable – district-level asymmetry – is expected to act on both electoral support and resource allocations: lowering lowers electoral support and increasing resource allocations. This chapter uses a host of regression specifications to test these two hypotheses using data from Japan, 1980–2014. In doing so, it provides an original account for why money is negatively correlated with support across electoral districts in Japan.

Stimulants like cocaine, amphetamines, and ecstasy produce short-term desirable effects like alertness, euphoria, and energy. However, they can also cause short- and long-term harm, leading to addiction, dependence, and withdrawal syndrome. Sedative drugs like cannabis, opioids, and benzodiazepines create feelings of calmness and relaxation but can be dangerous in overdose, particularly if mixed with other sedatives. Repeated use of sedatives can lead to severe dependence. Cannabis is the most commonly used illegal drug and can cause paranoia, psychosis, memory problems, and mood disorders with long-term heavy use. Synthetic cannabinoids like ‘spice’ are stronger and more harmful than natural cannabis. Hallucinogens like LSD cause distortions, hallucinations, confusion, and disorientation. They don’t cause dependence but can damage the brain with repeated use. Dissociative drugs like nitrous oxide and ketamine cause disorientation, perceptual disturbances, and loss of physical coordination, leading to accidental injury. Long-term use of ketamine can damage the bladder, and nitrous oxide can cause memory problems and severe nerve damage.

This chapter foregrounds the social life inside COBRA as one of Britain’s most successful hunting teams. It suggests that this social dimension to hunting is perhaps as important to a team's survival as is the reason they begin hunting in the first place.

This case study presents innovative work by a Chinese state-owned enterprise (SOE) to use corporate social responsibility (CSR) as a key component of its business strategy in Kenya. AVIC International’s (“AVIC INTL’s”) core business is exporting Chinese machinery and vocational training to enhance the use of equipment in host countries and to build local training capacity. Through active learning with stakeholders in Kenya, AVIC INTL has developed the “Africa Tech Challenge” to host training and competitions for candidates from Kenya. This project, first initiated in 2014, later became a signature CSR project for the company, one which was repeated annually and received Chinese government awards for companies’ overseas brand-building. This case study shows how CSR can be an effective business strategy for Chinese SOEs operating in African states. Chinese SOEs have started to use CSR projects to gain market access, build a positive image, and cultivate ties with host country politicians, industry, and civil society. The study also demonstrates how Chinese SOEs, over the course of overseas operations, have experienced a steep learning curve in host countries and how, despite structural asymmetry vis-à-vis China, African actors can actively shape the behavior of Chinese SOEs that are financially powerful and technically strong.