This article defends a new type of preferential hiring. Rather than compensating groups for past or present employment-related discrimination, it seeks to ensure that groups with disproportionate unemployment rates that are due significantly – but not necessarily wholly – to their members having relatively narrow competencies, such as autistic individuals and people with hearing loss, ADHD and lower education levels, are prioritized for jobs that match their abilities. After defending such competency-based preferential hiring based on its benefits for persons with narrower competencies and for societies more broadly, I address several criticisms, including concerns that this approach may be stigmatizing.

This paper investigates the effects of the German national minimum wage introduction and its subsequent up-rating on job finding rates of unemployed welfare recipients. While the literature is inconclusive on the sign of overall employment effects of the minimum wage, the range of estimates suggests that if effects are negative, they are likely to be rather small. However, such overall effects may mask negative effects on employment prospects of unemployed welfare recipients, who tend to be only loosely attached to the labour market. For the analysis, this paper uses a sample of unemployed welfare recipients based on high-quality administrative data and employs a difference-in-differences strategy by exploiting regional variation in the bite of the minimum wage in order to estimate the effects of the minimum wage. While theoretically ambiguous, estimates show that minimum wages had a beneficial and rather homogeneous impact on job finding rates of unemployed welfare recipients. Sensitivity analyses highlight the robustness of these findings.

As digital welfare systems expand in local governments worldwide, understanding their implications is crucial for safeguarding public values like transparency, legitimacy, accountability, and privacy. A lack of political debate on data-driven technologies risks eroding democratic legitimacy by obscuring decision-making and impeding accountability mechanisms. In the Netherlands, political discussions on digital welfare within local governments are surprisingly limited, despite evidence of negative impacts on both frontline professionals and citizens. This study examines what mechanisms explain if and how data-driven technologies in the domain of work and income are politically discussed within the municipal government of a large city in the Netherlands, and its consequences. Using a sequential mixed methods design, combining automated text-analysis software ConText (1.2.0) and text-analysis software Atlas.ti (9), we analyzed documents and video recordings of municipal council and committee meetings from 2016 to 2023. Our results show these discussions are rare in the municipal council, occurring primarily either in reaction to scandals, or in reaction to criticism. Two key discursive factors used to justify limited political discussion are: (1) claims of lacking time and knowledge among council members and aldermen, and (2) distancing responsibility and diffusing accountability. This leads to a ‘content chopping’ mechanism, where issues are chopped into small content pieces, for example technical, ethical, and political aspects, and spreading them into separate documents and discussion arenas. This fragmentation can obscure overall coherence and diffuse critical concerns, potentially leading to harmful effects like dehumanization and stereotyping.

In their 2007 essay “‘The Body’ as a Useful Category for Working-Class History,” feminist scholars Ava Baron and Eileen Boris urged labor historians to consider “Why and in what ways … bodies matter for studies of work and the working class.” While scholars have written histories attentive to cultural assumptions about bodies at work, the impact of employment on the human body, and people’s experiences of their working bodies, little consideration has been given to the ways bodies matter for unemployed workers. This article uses Baron and Boris’s invitation to labor historians as a point of departure, but asks, in what ways do bodies matter for studies of people without work? Specifically, in what ways did bodies matter for unemployed working-class men in 1930s Britain? Using parliamentary papers and debates, published first-person narratives, and government documents, I demonstrate that prolonged unemployment was a bodily crisis for working-class men, who expected—and were expected—to direct their bodies and minds to productive labor. Critical Disability Studies scholars’ have emphasized the need to interrogate ableist norms that produce a “corporeal standard,” which for working-class men meant bodies and minds able to perform productive work. Ableist structures, policies, and practices, intersecting in the 1930s British case predominantly with gender and class identities and norms, challenged unemployed men, who experienced unemployment in ways that situated them outside the working-class masculine corporeal standard. To explore these issues, I focus on two closely linked concepts: fitness and employability. During the 1930s, British politicians, bureaucrats, and unemployed men assumed that men who had been without work for prolonged periods of time would not have the physical and mental fitness to be re-employed. I introduce the concept “embodying unemployment” to capture the relationships among discourses, bodily and emotional processes, and material conditions that shaped policy decisions, unemployed men’s experiences, and practices to enhance fitness and employability, highlighting the various perceptions of what caused unemployed men’s bodies and minds to deteriorate from the ableist norm and what strategies might slow or arrest the feared changes.

The Indonesian government has implemented the Pre-Employment Card Programme in response to current employment challenges, including high unemployment and underemployment rates among the youth in Indonesia. This research aims to analyse the Programme’s impact on the labour market outcomes, especially involving the youth. The research employs propensity score matching to examine the Programme’s impact on the probability of securing employment and the work hours among the youth. The study involved participants who were unemployed and employed when enrolling in the programme. The results show that the programme was statistically significant in increasing the probability of employment among the unemployed participants. However, it was not statistically significant to increase the work hours of those employed during the enrolment. These findings provide an initial assessment of the programme’s effectiveness in addressing employment challenges faced by the youth in Indonesia.

Scholars have long recognized the importance of so-called “Ghent” systems of unemployment insurance for working-class strength and therefore national capitalist development. While only three European countries currently maintain “pure” Ghent systems, nearly a dozen did so during the first half of the last century. This article investigates the discontinuation of these systems in two paradigmatic cases, Belgium and the Netherlands. By focusing on the irreconcilable nature of trade union goals regarding the delivery, range, and funding of unemployment insurance, the analysis explains how the discontinuation of Ghent in these two countries could occur under distinctly union-friendly governments and with the explicit consent of their trade union movements. By showing that both the Belgian and Dutch trade union movements displayed great uncertainty regarding the organizational costs and benefits of assuming responsibility for benefit delivery, the article also explains why Belgium subsequently created a semi-Ghent system that continued to significantly boost union membership, while the Netherlands did not.

Exogeneous disruptions in labor demand have become more frequent in recent times. The COVID-19 pandemic has resulted in millions of workers being repeatedly laid off and rehired according to local public health conditions. This may be bad news for market efficiency. Typical employment relations—which resemble non-enforceable (implicit) contracts—rely on reciprocity (Brown et al. in Econometrica 72:747–780, 2004), and hence could be harmed when workers’ efforts no longer guarantee reemployment in the next period. In this paper we extend the BFF paradigm to include a per-period probability (0%, 10%, 50%) of publicly observable “shutdown”, where a specific firm cannot contract with any workers for several periods. A Perfect Bayesian Equilibrium exists in which these shutdowns destabilize relationships, but do not harm efficiency. Our experiment shows that, remarkably, market efficiency can be maintained even with very frequent stochastic shutdowns. However, the dynamic of relational contracts changes from one where a worker finds stable employment to one where she juggles multiple employers, laying the burden of maintaining productivity upon workers and worsening worker-side inequality.

This article analyzes the impact of the coronavirus epidemic in India after first situating it in the wider international context. It begins with a global perspective on the spread of the pandemic that correlates more with geography, demography and seasonality than lockdown stringency and sequencing. The responses of governments have damaged economies, lost livelihoods, worsened healthcare-access and learning-outcomes, while curbing rights and freedoms of citizens. In India, the draconian lockdown dealt a crippling blow to the economy which has hurt the poor badly but could not ‘flatten the curve’. The inadequate and inappropriate policy response has made the task of economic recovery even more difficult. Yet, the crisis also opens possible opportunities for India to enhance its global role and profile.

How does the allocation of scarce jobs and production influence their supply? We present the results of a macroeconomics laboratory experiment that investigates the effects of alternative rationing schemes on economic stability. Participants play the role of worker-consumers who interact in labor and output markets. All output, which yields a reward to participants, must be produced through costly labor. Automated firms hire workers to produce output so long as there is sufficient demand for all production. In every period either output or labor hours are rationed. Random queue, equitable, and priority (i.e., property rights) rationing schemes are compared. Production volatility is the lowest under a priority rationing rule and is significantly higher under a scheme that allocates the scarce resource through a random queue. Production converges toward the steady state under a priority rule, but can diverge to significantly lower levels under a random queue or equitable rule where there is the opportunity for and perception of free-riding. At the individual level, rationing in the output market leads consumer-workers to supply less labor in subsequent periods. A model of myopic decision-making is developed to rationalize the results.

Countless experimental studies have shown that markets converge quickly and efficiently to the competitive outcome under many trading institutions, particularly the double auction mechanism. This creates difficulties for Keynesian stories of unemployment creation—which suggest a noncompetitive outcome in an essentially competitive world. Such stories were popular in the late 1960s and 1970s. One of these stories—the dual decision hypothesis of Clower—was seen then as the beginning of a story of unemployment. This article reports the results of an experiment designed to test this hypothesis. Specifically, we set up an experiment in which there are two sequential double-auction markets, in the first of which one good (labour) is traded, after which the second market (goods) is opened and the second good traded. We compare the outcome of our experiment with that of the competitive theory. One general finding is that not enough trade takes place in the two markets. In other words, the usual finding that competitive equilibrium is achieved in double-auction markets is not replicated in this sequential setting.

Depression and anxiety are common mental health issues globally, yet limited research has focused on job seekers in Bangladesh. This study examines the prevalence and associated factors of depression and anxiety symptoms among Bangladeshi graduates seeking employment. A cross-sectional study was conducted among graduates from two public universities in Bangladesh, using face-to-face interviews and a semi-structured questionnaire. Data were collected between March and April 2024 through convenience sampling. Chi-square tests and logistic regression were used for analysis with SPSS software. Among the participants, 46.8% experienced depressive symptoms and 67.8% had anxiety symptoms, with 42.3% experiencing both. Factors associated with a reduced risk of depressive symptoms included being a first child (OR = 0.48, 95% CI: 0.25–0.93, p = 0.031) and exam satisfaction (OR = 0.22, 95% CI: 0.12–0.39, p < 0.001). Lower symptoms of anxiety were associated with being male (OR = 0.45, 95% CI: 0.25–0.80, p = 0.007), first-born status (OR = 0.45, 95% CI: 0.22–0.92, p = 0.030), financial contribution to family (OR = 0.40, 95% CI: 0.19–0.81, p = 0.011), over 12 months of preparation (OR = 0.37, 95% CI: 0.15–0.92, p = 0.034) and exam satisfaction (OR = 0.40, 95% CI: 0.22–0.71, p = 0.002). Intentionally unemployed participants had a higher risk of anxiety symptoms (OR = 1.70, 95% CI: 1.00–2.89, p = 0.046). This study reveals high rates of depressive and anxiety symptoms among job-seeking graduates in Bangladesh. Socio-demographic and job-related factors appear to significantly impact mental health, underscoring the need for a holistic approach to address these challenges. Targeted mental health interventions and increased public awareness are essential to support vulnerable groups in navigating the highly competitive job market.

Some leading UK politicians have claimed that a culture of welfare dependency exists and that a sizeable number of unemployed benefit claimants lack an appropriate commitment to employment. Such claims were used to justify the 2012 Welfare Reform Act’s new measures to steer unemployed claimants towards applying for and retaining jobs they might not want. The statistical analysis presented here is the first to explore possible connections between people’s attitudes towards disliked/unattractive jobs, their parents’ employment status, and the total time they have spent in unemployment. Logistic regression analysis used Longitudinal Study of Young People in England (LSYPE)/Next Steps data on people born in 1989/90 to predict whether they spent an unusually long time unemployed between age eighteen and twenty-five; an attitude favouring joblessness over a disliked/unattractive job was a nonsignificant predictor in eleven of twelve multivariate models, and a weak predictor (OR = 1.32) in the other.