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The economic, political, strategic and cultural dynamism in Southeast Asia has gained added relevance in recent years with the spectacular rise of giant economies in East and South Asia. This has drawn greater attention to the region and to the enhanced role it now plays in international relations and global economics.
The sustained effort made by Southeast Asian nations since 1967 towards a peaceful and gradual integration of their economies has had indubitable success, and perhaps as a consequence of this, most of these countries are undergoing deep political and social changes domestically and are constructing innovative solutions to meet new international challenges. Big Power tensions continue to be played out in the neighbourhood despite the tradition of neutrality exercised by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
The Trends in Southeast Asia series acts as a platform for serious analyses by selected authors who are experts in their fields. It is aimed at encouraging policymakers and scholars to contemplate the diversity and dynamism of this exciting region.
On 14 May 2023, the Move Forward Party won the General Election in Thailand with 151 seats and the votes of over 14 million Thais. This was an unexpected victory, even to the party's leadership.
Key to the Move Forward Party's victory was political fandom, in the manifestation of Dom Som. This term refers to the supporters attached to the Move Forward Party and its leader Pita Limjaroenrat. “Dom” is the abbreviation of “Fandom” and “Som” is orange, the colour of the Move Forward Party. The fandom phenomenon has long existed in different industries such as music, movies and sports; political fandom is however relatively new to Thailand. In the same way as sports fans engage with their teams or pop-culture fans engage with celebrities, political fans have a strong emotional attachment to a politician or a political party (Erikson 2008). It includes aspects of affection and activities on an individual or community level (Dean 2017).
Thailand's political fans actively participated in offline and online activities, beyond the conventional form of political support. The Dom Som promoted the Move Forward Party by creating hashtags, editing viral videos, liking and sharing content and casting Pita as the protagonist of a fictional narrative. They also discredited other parties or candidates by creating memes, finding digital footprints or trolling on social media. Election campaigning turned into a pop-culture battle, as illustrated by the social buzz over a particular choc mint drink endorsed by Paetongtarn Shinawatra versus the orange-black coffee endorsed by Pita.
This transcendence of politics into pop culture, where celebrity status and fandom can capture the popular imagination led virtually all political parties to pursue it in order to increase their popularity during the 2023 General Election. Nonetheless, it was the Move Forward Party's political fandom strategy that proved most effective. This research addresses how Move Forward Party's leader and prime minister candidate Pita Limjaroenrat was able to achieve celebrity status, while the party itself managed to establish a strong fandom that helped clinch the elections. From policy formulation to communication and marketing of candidates, the Move Forward Party was able to affect the perception and behaviour of voters through its fandom strategy.
The economic, political, strategic and cultural dynamism in Southeast Asia has gained added relevance in recent years with the spectacular rise of giant economies in East and South Asia. This has drawn greater attention to the region and to the enhanced role it now plays in international relations and global economics.
The sustained effort made by Southeast Asian nations since 1967 towards a peaceful and gradual integration of their economies has had indubitable success, and perhaps as a consequence of this, most of these countries are undergoing deep political and social changes domestically and are constructing innovative solutions to meet new international challenges. Big Power tensions continue to be played out in the neighbourhood despite the tradition of neutrality exercised by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
The Trends in Southeast Asia series acts as a platform for serious analyses by selected authors who are experts in their fields. It is aimed at encouraging policymakers and scholars to contemplate the diversity and dynamism of this exciting region.
• The concept of political fandom, the state of being fans of a politician or of a political party, played a crucial role during Thailand’s General Election in 2023. Fandom contributed to the popularity on social media of politicians, such as Pita Limjaroenrat, the Move Forward Party’s leader and prime ministerial candidate.
• The strategies involved in achieving celebrity status for politicians are varied. This paper provides a case study of the factors behind the success of Pita and the Move Forward Party and contrasts these with reasons why Pita’s key political opponents were less effective.
• It argues that the digital age and the transcendence of politics into pop culture, where celebrity status and fandom can drive electoral outcomes, signify a profound shift in democratic participation, political engagement and the very fabric of Thai politics.
• While fandom has become a stream in participatory democracy, it also highlights the polarized and temperamental nature of Thailand’s contemporary hyper-partisan political scene.
Many current counter-disinformation initiatives focus on addressing the production or 'supply side' of digital disinformation. Less attention tends to be paid to the consumption or the intended audiences of disinformation campaigns.
A central concept in understanding people's consumption of and vulnerability to digital disinformation is its imaginative dimension as a communication act. Key to the power of disinformation campaigns is their ability to connect to people's shared imaginaries. Consequently, counter-disinformation initiatives also need to attend to these imaginaries.
This report examines why the precarious middle class in the Philippines has been particularly susceptible to digital disinformation. It focuses on two key imaginaries that disinformation producers weaponized in the year leading up to the 2022 national elections. The first was a long-simmering anti-Chinese resentment, which racist social media campaigns about Philippines-China relations targeted. The other was a yearning for a 'strong leader', which history-distorting campaigns about the country's Martial Law era amplified. Ironically, some practices adopted by members of the public to protect themselves from the toxicity and vitriol of online spaces increased their vulnerability to digital disinformation. The cumulative impact of these was for people to dig deeper into their existing imaginaries, something that disinformation producers targeted and exploited.
To establish a similarly robust common ground of reality, counter-disinformation initiatives should themselves be programmatic, not ad hoc.
Myanmar in Crisis brings together scholars from across the social sciences to analyse the dual crises of COVID-19 and the 2021 military coup. The essays address one of four themes around the concept of crisis: society in crisis, a state in crisis, an economy in crisis, and international relations in crisis. Several authors examine the contested nature of state authority in the post-coup revolutionary context, including the emergence of new governance dynamics; others discuss heterogenous forms of resistance and the potential for building a more inclusive, just, and tolerant society in the future of Myanmar. The volume also explores the economic crisis caused by the pandemic and the coup and its devastating effects on people's lives and livelihoods: the authors provide a deep dive into the impacts of restrictive COVID-19 prevention measures on local communities, the growing livelihoods crisis since the coup, and the impacts of both crises on foreign trade and investment. The book also looks at Myanmar's history of foreign relations, the response of the international community to the coup and the challenges faced by foreign governments and regional bodies in navigating the deteriorating political situation. Held together, the volume highlights the ongoing state of crisis in Myanmar, its impact on society and the possibilities for recovery and reform, amidst a powerful new revolutionary movement. Beyond providing crucial insights to Southeast Asian area specialists, the book offers deep insights into the way that multiple crises interact, amplify one another, and open up possibilities for hope amidst tragedy.
The global war on terrorism created pressure for Indonesia to improve its security measures for dealing with maritime terrorism. Following the 9/11 attacks and the 2002 Bali bombings, Indonesia has improved the security of its major ports and entered various international agreements to ensure its trading activities are not impeded. At the same time, in a bid to secure small ports and coastal areas in various parts of the country, preman-self-supporting, autonomous paramilitary-organizations began to play a greater role. This book explores the involvement of preman organizations in securing ports and coastlines in Jakarta, North Sulawesi, and the Riau Islands. The security of ports and coastal areas in the three provinces is of international importance because of their proximity to major sea lanes of communication. This book carefully maps out the tensions, contradictions, and implications of the use of preman organizations in the realization of Indonesia's efforts to be a truly democratic civil society.
The collective research effort of senior and junior scholars from Indonesia and beyond, The Road to Nusantara: Process, Challenges and Opportunities examines the political, economic, socio-cultural, security and environmental implications of President Joko Widodo's historic plan to move Indonesia's national capital from Jakarta to Nusantara, East Kalimantan. This volume will be of interest to policymakers, Indonesia's neighbours near and far, prospective investors, and students of Indonesia who wish to understand the complex challenges underlying this megaproject.
This volume is a collection of articles that examines how the COVID-19 pandemic affected and intersected with various Southeast Asian contexts in the broad areas of migration, education and demographic policy. At the height of the pandemic from 2020-22, the resulting restrictions to international travel, ensuing nationwide lockdowns and eventual economic crises formed part of what many commentators referred to as a 'new normal'. Apart from being a global health crisis, the pandemic disrupted and transformed the experience of everyday life at all levels of society, where many of its effects are now likely irreversible. In particular, the impact of the pandemic certainly affected the most vulnerable individuals and communities throughout the region, especially in countries that are experiencing rapid ageing such as Singapore and Thailand. Examples of the most affected include low-wage migrant workers, the disabled and the children of impoverished families. For many who were already living in a state of precarity, the structural 'side-effects' of the pandemic were at times more deadly than the coronavirus itself as it often negatively impacted livelihood, social-emotional ties and overall well-being. At the same time, the 'new normal' has further created conditions that raise the likelihood of occupational precarity even for long-term professionals within established fields like education. In other words, few experienced the COVID-19 pandemic without encountering both tangible and intangible challenges, regardless of where one was situated.
In June 1959, the British established the office of Yang di-Pertuan Negara (He Who is Made Lord) to replace the colonial governorship and represent Queen Elizabeth II in Singapore. Muhammad Suhail explores the divergent attempts to invest meaning in the Yang di-Pertuan Negara. In doing so, he weaves a rich story about the contesting ideas of sovereignty during the global age of decolonization. He Who is Made Lord is a captivating take on Singapore's emergence as a postcolonial nation, providing a gateway into the island's past as part of the Malay World, the British Empire and the Commonwealth of Nations.
Approximately 110,000-130,000 new Chinese migrants reside in Thailand in 2022. They are comprised of five categories: entrepreneurs, employees, students, accompanying family members and lifestyle migrants. These migrants contribute to the Thai economy but also precipitate negative impacts as well. Some stay and work in Thailand illegally, and some engage in unlawful business practices. Five positive impacts include business cooperation, economic circulation, sources of Chinese-speaking manpower, technological transfers and a cross-cultural environment. Five perceived negative impacts are bad public mannerisms, occupying of local jobs, competition in business, control of businesses and tarnishing of Thailand's reputation.
On 16 June 2021 the National Heritage Board announced the successful conclusion of the archaeological excavation of two shipwrecks at the eastern approach to Singapore. This maritime archaeology excavation, the largest in Singapore's waters, was conducted by the Archaeology Unit of the ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute over a six-year period. This book documents these two shipwrecks, complemented by essays on Singapore's maritime history, from Temasek in the fourteenth century through the emergence of country trade in the late eighteenth century. These two shipwrecks challenge us to rethink Singapore's history as globally connected, determined by what was happening on the seas in and around the island.
The economic, political, strategic and cultural dynamism in Southeast Asia has gained added relevance in recent years with the spectacular rise of giant economies in East and South Asia. This has drawn greater attention to the region and to the enhanced role it now plays in international relations and global economics.
The sustained effort made by Southeast Asian nations since 1967 towards a peaceful and gradual integration of their economies has had indubitable success, and perhaps as a consequence of this, most of these countries are undergoing deep political and social changes domestically and are constructing innovative solutions to meet new international challenges. Big Power tensions continue to be played out in the neighbourhood despite the tradition of neutrality exercised by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
The Trends in Southeast Asia series acts as a platform for serious analyses by selected authors who are experts in their fields. It is aimed at encouraging policymakers and scholars to contemplate the diversity and dynamism of this exciting region.
After two and a half decades in the making, since the Asian Financial Crisis, ASEAN has achieved significant progress in its economic cooperation efforts under the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). The region is now collectively the fifth largest economy and the second largest foreign direct investment (FDI) recipient globally, after the US. At 8 per cent of global exports, it is also a trade powerhouse.
While critics have pointed out stagnating growth in the share of intra-ASEAN trade of around 20 per cent compared to corresponding values for the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the EU which stand at 60 per cent, many ASEAN economies have been successful in integrating into the Northeast Asia value chains. This underlines the fact that any form of regional cooperation among a small number of countries such as ASEAN can facilitate greater trade and investment activities with the global economy. Others have pointed out AEC's perpetual status of “work in progress”, which in itself can be considered a positive sign that it remains effective and relevant despite the ever-changing context of the global economy.
Since the 1970s, ASEAN Economic Community building has been a dynamic undertaking. It started with industrial cooperation and preferential trade cooperation in its early days; the former did not yield significant results while the latter soon called for a more holistic approach to regional economic integration. This led to the establishment of the ASEAN Free Trade Area in 1992.
However, the first consolidated efforts towards the AEC came only as the region emerged from the Asian financial crisis, in the face of competition in attracting FDI from big economic neighbours such as India and China. Coming together was now essential for ASEAN to offer economies of scale and to be globally competitive.
The commitment to establish the AEC by 2020 was reflected in the 2003 Declaration of ASEAN Concord II. The first AEC blueprint was adopted in 2007, aimed at establishing the AEC by 2015. It had four key characteristics: (i) a single market and production base, (ii) a highly competitive economic region, (iii) a region of equitable development, and (iv) a region fully integrated into the global economy. After eight years of implementation of the AEC Blueprint 2015, the AEC was formally established in 2015 as part of the ASEAN Community. But that was not the end of the journey.
In Indonesia, Thailand and Myanmar, democratic regression and the reconsolidation of authoritarian regimes have triggered the rise of social media-driven protest movements. These are pioneered by a new generation of activist youth, distinguishing themselves from previous student and youth movements by the digitally mediated, decentralized and diverse nature of their protest.
While experimenting with digitally mediated repertoires of action adopted and adapted from similar struggles elsewhere, these protesters forge transnational links that give rise to new protest assemblages across and beyond the region. This is exemplified by the social media-based #MilkTeaAlliance, in which the distinct protests in Indonesia, Thailand, Myanmar and other countries are conjoined through extended solidarity and affinity ties in a common 'generational' struggle against entrenched authoritarianism. The youth resistance in Hong Kong was instrumental in driving this trend.
Like a 'rhizome', these movements are characterized by connectivity, heterogeneity, multiplicity and 'unbreakable' expansion. This allows for a fluid participation of various activist and non-activist groups (such as K-poppers) and the inclusion of various issues and demands in the protest, which merge into the cause of fighting systemic injustice. It also heightens the movements' viability and resilience to repression.
Meanwhile, as long as authorities remain repressive and tone-deaf to this generation's criticism and concerns, the gulf between them looks set to widen. The longer-term implication is that this generation will remain alienated and continue to express their struggle in novel and unpredictable ways.