To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
The economic, political, strategic and cultural dynamism in Southeast Asia has gained added relevance in recent years with the spectacular rise of giant economies in East and South Asia. This has drawn greater attention to the region and to the enhanced role it now plays in international relations and global economics.
The sustained effort made by Southeast Asian nations since 1967 towards a peaceful and gradual integration of their economies has had indubitable success, and perhaps as a consequence of this, most of these countries are undergoing deep political and social changes domestically and are constructing innovative solutions to meet new international challenges. Big Power tensions continue to be played out in the neighbourhood despite the tradition of neutrality exercised by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
The Trends in Southeast Asia series acts as a platform for serious analyses by selected authors who are experts in their fields. It is aimed at encouraging policymakers and scholars to contemplate the diversity and dynamism of this exciting region.
State elections were held concurrently in six states—Kedah, Penang, Kelantan, Terengganu, Selangor and Negeri Sembilan—in Malaysia on 12 August 2023. These six states were run by Pakatan Harapan (PH)—Penang, Selangor and Negeri Sembilan—and the Islamic Party of Malaysia (PAS)—Kedah, Kelantan and Terengganu—governments. Although state government elections are usually held simultaneously with general elections, the leaders of these states decided not to hold their polls concurrently with the general elections which were held on 19 November 2022.
These six state elections were important politically for the following reasons. Firstly, this was the first serious electoral test for the unity government where seats would have to be allocated between PH and Barisan Nasional (BN) and these former bitter political rivals would have to campaign together for the first time in history.
Secondly, the opposition Perikatan Nasional (PN) government wanted to use these state elections to prove that they had an overwhelming level of support from among the Malay community and use these state election results to destabilize and possibly unseat the unity government.
In this article, the following questions will be asked and answered using granular election data from the state seats in which the DAP contested. Results from each polling “stream” or classroom where votes were cast and tabulated were used together with ethnic composition and age breakdowns for each polling “stream” to arrive at the analysis presented here. For example, support for the DAP was calculated for each polling stream in terms of the percentage of votes won and this was regressed against the share of Malay voters in each polling stream to arrive at estimates of the percentage of support for the DAP among Malay voters. For the analysis of voting patterns by age, polling streams with a majority of one ethnic group were selected and the voting patterns of the older polling streams were compared to the voting patterns of the younger polling streams. This could be done as voters are allocated polling streams according to their age.
The economic, political, strategic and cultural dynamism in Southeast Asia has gained added relevance in recent years with the spectacular rise of giant economies in East and South Asia. This has drawn greater attention to the region and to the enhanced role it now plays in international relations and global economics.
The sustained effort made by Southeast Asian nations since 1967 towards a peaceful and gradual integration of their economies has had indubitable success, and perhaps as a consequence of this, most of these countries are undergoing deep political and social changes domestically and are constructing innovative solutions to meet new international challenges. Big Power tensions continue to be played out in the neighbourhood despite the tradition of neutrality exercised by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
The Trends in Southeast Asia series acts as a platform for serious analyses by selected authors who are experts in their fields. It is aimed at encouraging policymakers and scholars to contemplate the diversity and dynamism of this exciting region.
What are trending Islamic ideas in Southeast Asia; how are they transmitted and who transmits them? These are questions that linger among the minds of policymakers, diplomats and scholars interested in Islam in Southeast Asia. Trending Islam maps and discusses key personalities, groups or institutions that influence Muslims in the region. This book dedicates more space to discuss the role of the Internet in disseminating religious discourses. Internet's role, in particular the use of social media either to advance interpretations of Islamic ideas or to gain influence in the public sphere, is becoming more significant as it allows information to spread faster and wider. While not discounting traditional issues such as extremism and terrorism, matters that continue to affect many people's lives in the region, the book delves into the interaction between violent and non-violent extremism and the liberal and progressive responses to them. Trending Islam covers the transmission of Islam in several countries and some case studies.
Over the past 20 years, gender relations and the expression of power and authority between men and women in Indonesia have been shaped by the forces of reformasi, decentralisation, a reassertion of central power, and economic transitions. These changes have given rise to policy reform, an increase in women's political representation, and new expressions of diverse gender identities. But to what extent has the 'gender order' of the New Order, where women's role as a mother was the basis of citizenship, been challenged or just found new articulations? What shape do contemporary contestations to gendered power take? The chapters in this volume bring gender to the centre stage and provide reflections on the political, economic, social, and cultural progress and barriers in achieving gender equality and diversity in Indonesia.
Malaysia is a signatory of the Global Methane Pledge, but the implications for national action on methane emissions remain unclear. A review of publicly available literature and data revealed that there is no clear national plan for methane action yet. Since signing the Pledge in 2021, there has been no demonstrable government initiative focusing on joined-up methane action at the national level. Malaysia does not have a methane strategy or policy, and sector-specific regulations focusing on methane emissions are either not present, vague, or publicly inaccessible.
There are indications emissions are falling due to positive corporate action. Effective methane reduction initiatives exist in Malaysia's top two methane-emitting sectors, oil and gas and palm oil, and key players have committed to net zero pathways with methane reductions central to progress to 2030.
Quantifying reductions with confidence remains challenging. Different reporting approaches and incomplete information on assumptions and uncertainties in quantification approaches, make independent analyses of reported emissions challenging.
Improvements in corporate Monitoring, Reporting, and Verification (MRV) in the coming years are expected.
Methane reduction is a 'low-hanging fruit'. Methane is a major initial lever to reduce greenhouse gas emissions up to 2030 in the climate plans of leading Malaysian industry players. Action to improve methane-related processes in the key oil and gas and palm oil sectors thus presents a valuable opportunity for Malaysia to contribute to global climate mitigation within its long-term national interests.
Southeast Asia's growing economic linkages with China have generated political opportunities and strategic concerns in equal measure. This study provides a fuller picture of Chinese investments in Southeast Asia for those seeking to understand its significance and impacts. From their carefully constructed dataset, Goh and Liu provide a regionwide, multi-sectoral analysis quantitative survey and analysis of key changes in Chinese investments in Southeast Asian economies over fifteen years, from 2005 to 2019. Additionally, they provide a qualitative assessment of the geopolitical significance of these trends and patterns. Thus, this study creates a baseline understanding of more recent Chinese investments in the region. In the near future, when a feasible data series can be collated for the years from 2020, it will also allow a sharper analysis of the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on Chinese investments in the region.
Public Financial Management: Cambodian Experiences is prepared by the General Secretariat of Public Financial Management Reform Steering Committee (GSC) to promote general understanding and knowledge of Public Financial Management (PFM) among government officials and the general public. The book starts with an overview of PFM in Cambodia, with a brief introduction to the discipline of public financial management. It then discusses Cambodia's experience in implementing PFM reform and its impact on public finance in general. After that, it also shows how PFM has reformed the government budgeting process and the challenges in its implementation. Finally, case studies of Cambodian reform efforts and selected ASEAN and OECD countries' experiences with PFM reform are presented. We, the GSC hope that this book can be a good resource for those who are interested in PFM reform in Cambodia and lessons learnt for other developing countries.
During the fifteenth general election (GE15) in 2022 and the state elections in 2023, the clash between Anwar Ibrahim and PAS reached new heights. This can be viewed as a battle between political Islam and post-Islamism.
Political Islam as embodied by PAS pursues the establishment of an Islamic state, while post-Islamism as represented by Anwar Ibrahim is a way of balancing the ambitions of Islam with secular approaches.
While PAS has been consistent in espousing political Islam since its establishment, Anwar Ibrahim's approach to the role of Islam in politics has changed since his early days in UMNO. Evolving from an Islamist involved in state-led Islamization to a post-Islamist, he now espouses democratic values and multiculturalism.
The results of GE15 and the 2023 state elections between PAS and Anwar Ibrahim, who is now prime minister, show that there will certainly be sequels to come. The elections illustrate that political Islam is growing in strength. This is most evident in the fact that PAS currently has a whopping forty-three seats in the Malaysian parliament, and controls four states. The only way Anwar Ibrahim can remain in power is through assistance from PAS' old nemesis, UMNO, a party heavily tainted by corruption.
Over the past decade, app-based driving services like ride-hailing and delivery have become an integral part of business, employment and daily life in Vietnam. This growth, however, has been accompanied by tensions and conflicts between ride-hailing platforms and traditional taxi companies, xe ôm (motorbike taxi drivers), the authorities and the drivers working for these platforms.
Most drivers on these services are male and work long hours for low wages. Their working conditions are precarious because platforms classify them as partners rather than employees, denying them basic rights and benefits. Although platforms offer bonuses, organize events to celebrate drivers' contributions, and provide training courses, these do not address the fundamental exploitation in the employment relationship.
The Ministry of Labour, Invalids and Social Affairs (MOLISA) has not taken sufficient action to protect drivers or taken a stance on whether they should be classified as contractors or employees. The Vietnam General Confederation of Labour (VGCL) is working towards securing social protection for drivers and increasing their representation in labour associations. While some members of the VGCL have argued that app-based drivers are actually workers and should be afforded the same rights and benefits as all workers, this is as yet not the formal position of the confederation.
Drivers have taken to organizing strikes and protests to demand better treatment from the platforms. Policymakers and practitioners are called upon to ensure that platform work contributes to improved livelihoods and decent lifestyles for all.
Amid China-US geopolitical competition in the Asia-Pacific, it is imperative for both China and Singapore to adapt and respond to evolving circumstances for mutual benefit.
The enduring trust and solid foundation between China and Singapore in economic and trade cooperation are validated through their active involvement in each other's initiatives. This proved true even when the recent COVID-19 pandemic strained political interactions.
The political-security dimensions of the relationship between China and Singapore are complex and constantly evolving, influenced as they are by factors such as Singapore's military training in Taiwan, the contentious South China Sea disputes, and US foreign policy in the region.
However, Singapore's longstanding hedging strategy between the two superpowers may face increasingly severe tests as China-US rivalry escalates.
If carefully managed, Singapore's successful track record of facilitating dialogue between conflicting parties can continue to make it a valuable player in easing tensions between China and the US.
It is worrying that, in many cases in Indonesia, exposure to the Internet, especially social media, increases knowledge seekers' religious radicalism. This exposure has not only resulted in increased radicalism but also compelled some individuals to turn to violence in the name of Islam.
Moderate online media institutions have not been effective in counteracting the online dissemination of extremist religious content. The content disseminated by radical websites is still being popularly consumed, albeit those moderate Muslim websites have put in considerable effort to counteract radical narratives.
This report argues that this ineffectiveness is due to structural and cultural challenges. The structural challenges include limited funding and sensitivity towards the policy of umbrella organizations. Cultural challenges include passiveness in corporate culture, alongside the 'ivory tower' traditions among journalists which leaves them out of touch with Muslim communities.
The government of Indonesia can assist moderate Muslim media websites in fighting radical narratives, for example, through better funding to them.
Besides being one of the countries most severely affected by the COVID-19 pandemic, Indonesia also experienced a severe 'infodemic': an overabundance of contradictory information - including misinformation and disinformation - on COVID-19. This infodemic hampered pandemic mitigation efforts, resulting in non-compliance with public health measures and delays to the national vaccination programme in the first six months of the pandemic due to widespread vaccine hesitancy or vaccine refusal. Furthermore, it fomented public distrust of the government and other institutions.
The government also contributed to the spiral of distrust through its inconsistent policies, lack of transparency, and mixed messages. Especially in the pandemic's early phases, government officials themselves were found spreading misleading information, first to downplay the severity and risk of COVID-19 in order to avoid social unrest, and subsequently to push for a quick reopening of the economy. In prioritizing the economy over public health, considerable resources were spent on influence campaigns to persuade the public to continue business as normal.
The influence campaigns appeared to succeed in persuading people to return to work and to get vaccinated eventually. However, public distrust remained and was easily reactivated on social media in response to inconsistencies and double standards in the government's enforcement of COVID-19 restrictions.
Various motivations underlying terrorism uncovered by recent scholarship include the radicals' desire for Muslim unity, political interest, yearning to correct social and economic deprivation in the Muslim world, and simply anti-Westernism.
This article focuses on the radicals' call for Muslim solidarity and how this tends towards becoming their primary motivation for perpetrating terrorism. It discusses how radical groups and individuals exaggerate the perceived oppression of Muslims worldwide and how this encourages their sympathizers in planning, fundraising and/or executing terrorist attacks.
The so-called ummah solidarity discourse is coupled with the prevalence of the dogma that Muslims are targets of Western or foreign oppression. This has legitimized jihadist terrorists' use of violence and facilitated the recruitment of new terrorists.
Besides regular crackdowns on terrorists and putting limitations on access to radical websites and other Internet sources, this article contends that the Indonesian security apparatuses and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs must work with the embassies from India, China and Myanmar based in Jakarta to nullify any likelihood of terror attacks on their embassy compounds or their citizens.
In 1995, then Finance Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim introduced 'Masyarakat Madani' as his proposed economic framework for Malaysia. The term was heavily debated among scholars and politicians across all parties and ideologies. It was often argued that Madani was an effort to limit the rise of political Islam.
Following Anwar Ibrahim's dismissal from government in 1998, Madani came to be more narrowly redefined as 'civil society' However, Anwar's supporters, known as the 'Anwarinas', strove to keep the spirit of Madani alive and continued to promote its ideals of social justice, democratic values and inclusivity. They were encouraged further by the fall of Barisan Nasional from federal power in the fourteenth General Election in 2018.
After Anwar Ibrahim became Malaysia's tenth Prime Minister in 2022, he reintroduced Madani as a framework for the country, to be implemented in various sectors. Anwar Ibrahim likely received help from scholars such as Ziauddin Sardar, as reflected in his election manifesto, Script for a Better Malaysia. This time around, the core component of Madani is Maqasid Al-Shariah, or the higher objectives of sharia.
In that sense, Madani is now arguably more an expression of what may be called post-Islamism. For it to succeed, however, it will have to counteract the growing power of the conservatives and Islamists. This may be an uphill battle, given that a key component party of the unity government - UMNO - is facing several allegations of corruption.
Malaysia is the second largest producer of palm oil after Indonesia. Together, these two countries account for about 85 per cent of total exports around the world. In 2022, Indonesia alone produced 51.33 million tonnes of output, while Malaysia produced 18.45 million tonnes. A shortage of sunflower oil supplies arising from the Russia-Ukraine war, and Indonesia's export restrictions of palm oil due to domestic shortages in cooking oil, lowered worldwide supplies and led to a rise in palm oil prices. A prolonged labour shortage caused by COVID-19 restrictions on the entry of foreign labour also lowered oil palm production in Malaysia. These factors added pressure on prices and increased Malaysia's oil palm revenues (export of palm oil and palm-based products) from RM108,515 million in 2021 to RM137,891 million in 2022, an increase of about 27 percent.
This paper first discusses the economic significance of the Malaysian oil palm industry within the context of the agriculture sector, as well its significance to individual states. The history of oil palm is then discussed. The focus then moves to smallholders who are dependent on oil palm for their livelihoods. The political economy of palm oil is then examined in light of new European Union regulations requiring deforestation-free sources along manufacturing supply chains. Sustainability certification is seen as a solution to these new obstacles to Malaysian exports, but there are myriad challenges involved. The Malaysian Sustainable Palm Oil (MSPO) certification system has been gaining ground, but has yet to attain full international recognition and acceptance. An alternative international standard by the Roundtable for Sustainable Palm Oil (RSPO) also has its issues, and this will also be examined in the paper. This will be followed by a case study on certification efforts in Sabah.
In 2022, agriculture contributed 6.6 per cent of total Malaysian GDP (Constant 2015 Prices), of which 2.4 per cent was from oil palm. Agriculture is among Malaysia's top three sectors, with services (57 per cent) and manufacturing (24 per cent) contributing the most to annual GDP. Oil palm alone contributed, on average, over 35 per cent of the total gross value of the agriculture sector from 2018 to 2022.