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Small and medium enterprises, including micro enterprises (or MSMEs), play an important role in Southeast Asia as they contribute between 88.8 per cent and 99.9 per cent of total establishments in all sectors in the region and between 51.7 per cent and 97.2 per cent of total employment in the region. Approximately 30–53 per cent of the region's Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and 10–30 per cent of its total exports are accounted for by them as well. There are, however, considerable differences in the performance of MSMEs in the region. For example, Thailand's MSMEs contribute about 25.5 per cent of Thailand's total exports, while those in Indonesia and Malaysia contribute about 19 per cent and 15.7 per cent, respectively, to the total exports in these two economies. Likewise the policy environment for nurturing MSMEs in each of these countries differ substantially from each other, as indicated by the SME Policy Index developed by Economic Research for ASEAN and East Asia (ERIA) in 2014. The results reveal that Singapore's score is the highest, followed by Malaysia, with Indonesia and Thailand tying in third position with the same score, and lastly the Philippines for the ASEAN-5. The rest of ASEAN's member countries score at or below the ASEAN average score.
The ASEAN Economic Community (AEC), established in 2015, aims to create a highly integrated and cohesive economy that provides an expanded market for its ten member countries. In principle, this initiative should create opportunities for MSMEs in the region to grow regionally before entering the global market. However, studies have shown that MSMEs are in general not aware of the AEC and the opportunities accorded by the AEC initiatives. They remain inward-looking, as indicated by their relatively low share of total exports in their respective countries.
Most research projects focus on the challenges faced by the MSMEs, including the problems encountered in internationalizing their operations, particularly in finance, research and innovation. Thus the questions asked frequently pertain to the factors that determine MSMEs’ exports or the drivers of their internationalization, be it at the firm or country level. The proliferation of Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) has also spurred research interest in another dimension, namely, the participation of MSMEs in regional integration.
The idea for this volume on Pentecostal megachurches in Southeast Asia began to form in 2015 after I had completed several papers on megachurches in Singapore. There were several recurring themes in the Singapore cases which I found interesting. The congregations of Singapore megachurches were generally youthful and infused with energy and idealism. They had an optimistic worldview that stood out from the well-worn apathy typical of today's youth. I also found a strong and mutually reinforcing link between the spiritual and material world. This link, often manifested as the Prosperity Gospels, has drawn much criticism from other Christians. However, deeper ethnographic effort will suggest that this link is more than material accumulation for personal satisfaction. Instead material accumulation is, it is believed, a tangible measure of one's obedience to God; less of a reward but a by-product of faithfulness. Meanwhile, their deep engagement with contemporary culture has resulted in an inclusive outlook that is experimental, playful, and always open to the possibility of imputing secular events and actions with theological meaning in order to get God's message across to non-believers. This has also meant that their Christian identity is often writ large in the workplace. Finally, the expansionist visions of their leaders often come through. The drive for souls was always going to be a numbers game but megachurch leaders are less hampered by the modesty or conservatism of their mainline counterparts. Such visions go beyond filling up auditoriums but include aggressive church-planting in neighbouring countries such that local megachurches enjoy a second wing in the region.
All these findings not only distinguish newer Pentecostal churches from older mainline denominations, but also demonstrate an ability to participate in mass consumption, pop culture and modernity like no other church. The fact that Pentecostalism is one of the fastest growing communities in Singapore suggests that these trends would only continue. As I dwelt on these findings, it became apparent that they needed to be set against the broader region.
With 87 per cent of its 238 million of its citizens claiming to be adherents of Islam, Indonesia has the largest Muslim population in the world. Surprisingly, this country is also one of the Southeast Asian nations experiencing fast growth in Christianity. Between 1971 and 2005, Indonesian Censuses reported that Christians, including both Protestants and Catholics, consistently represented between 7 and 8 per cent of the population. Scholars have argued that this figure was an understatement because the Indonesian government had a tendency to downplay the number of Christians to limit the perception among Muslims that they were faced with menacing Christianization.
The 2010 census showed that Protestants represented around 7 per cent and the Catholics comprised nearly 3 per cent of the population. This was a significant 2 to 3 per cent increase from previously reported figures. Due to the sensitive nature of such statistics, some argue that these 2010 figures might also have been underreported; the real number of Christians in Indonesia could have been much higher. Several senior Pentecostal leaders have claimed that around 20 and 5 per cent of Indonesia's population were Protestants and Catholics, respectively. Although these figures cannot be verified, they point to Christianity's undeniable exponential growth in Indonesia.
The rise of Christianity in Indonesia in recent decades can be mainly attributed to the Pentecostal and Charismatic megachurches that found fertile ground among the urban middle class. Although Indonesia was introduced to Pentecostalism from as early as 1921 by Western missionaries, rapid growth occurred only after the 1960s, at the arrival of the Charismatic, also known as the Neo-Pentecostal, movement, from the United States.
The oldest and at one time the largest Pentecostal denomination in Indonesia is the Pentecostal Church in Indonesia, or Gereja Pentekosta di Indonesia (GPdI). GPdI has recently declined in numbers due to various reasons, even though many of the rising Pentecostal denominations originated from GPdI and only became independent because of schisms. GdPI has experienced dozens of splits since the 1930s, and this has in turn brought into existence at least a hundred new Pentecostal churches. Reasons for these schisms include doctrinal disagreements, financial disputes, competition for growth among congregations, and personality clashes among leaders.
In 2013, the Jesus Is Lord (JIL) movement celebrated its 35th anniversary at the open-air grounds of the Luneta Grandstand in Manila with an estimated 20,000 in attendance. The event adopted the theme “Revolution of Righteousness”, which organizers have explained in two ways. The revolution was a spiritual transformation people underwent for salvation. This idea cannot be detached from JIL's Evangelical ethos. But also, this idea has implications on the way JIL views Philippine society.
Brother Eddie Villanueva, founder and senior pastor of JIL, announced at the anniversary, “the triumph of justice and righteousness must prevail, because, the Bible says, justice and righteousness are the foundations of God's throne.” The anniversary's theme neatly defined JIL and its social location as an evangelical church in contemporary Philippines. It clearly repackaged itself as a force to be reckoned with in Philippine society; it has come a long way from its beginnings as a simple charismatic church in the 1970s to a religious entity with political leverage and ambitions today.
JIL was born in 1978 when Brother Eddie Villanueva felt called by God to establish an independent church. JIL began as a series of Bible study sessions at the Polytechnic University of the Philippines (PUP). Brother Eddie, as he is popularly known, lectured economics at PUP.
JIL's establishment marked the rise of non-denominational charismatic churches distinct from institutionalized Pentecostal groups like the Assemblies of God, the Church of God, and the Church of the Foursquare Gospel. These groups arrived in the Philippines during the American occupation in the first half of the twentieth century. JIL has more recently been described as one of the biggest independent megachurches in the Philippines and one of the fastest growing churches in the world. It claimed to have four million members in the Philippines and in 55 other countries. To signify its global presence, the church renamed itself JIL Worldwide.
Apart from congregations in local neighbourhoods across the country, JIL also holds at least nine main services in three different locations in Metro Manila and Bulacan province, its national headquarters. Locally and internationally, most JIL members are working class. The majority of JIL's local congregations are in urban and rural poor communities. Globally, JIL has formed international chapters in places where Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs), especially domestic helpers, have found work.
There are many misconceptions over Pentecostal megachurches in the Philippines. They are often perceived as advocates of the prosperity theology and thus motivated by financial gain while their charismatic leaders are viewed by the popular media as individuals with a messiah complex because of the strong leadership demonstrate over their congregations and prominent role they play in the society. This chapter explores the growth of Pentecostal megachurches in the Philippines and their innovative indigenization of the Christian faith as well as the influence of their Western counterparts. It begins with a review of the contemporary scholarship which has informed in the field and proceeds to identify the major Pentecostal megachurches which have been at the forefront of reinventing Christian witness in the Philippine society. It will offer two case studies of Pentecostal megachurches to examine their historical development, links to the poor and the middle class, networks, locations in the political landscape, doctrine of prosperity, and the form of their social and civic engagement. In doing so, this chapter seeks to answer the following questions: How have Pentecostal megachurches developed and what attracts the masses to attend them? What form of civic engagement do they play in indigenizing gospel messages in the Philippine society?
Survey of Scholarship of Megachurches
Studies by Grant McClung in the 1980s reveal that even before the emergence of the Church Growth Movement in the 1960s there had been academic observers who had noted that Pentecostal church growth was already a phenomenon. Later, Donald McGarvan and Peter Wagner, two leading Pentecostal academics, concluded from their investigations that Pentecostal megachurches were emerging because evangelism and mission were central to the ministry of Pentecostals.2 Donald Miller, who conducted qualitative research on three megachurches in the United States observed that megachurches were the “new paradigm” of the Christian movement which was connected to the spirituality of first century Christians. However, while attempting to bring Christianity to the twenty-first century masses, these Pentecostal megachurch-goers were disconnecting themselves from traditional forms of Christianity while providing a contemporary meaning to Christian witnessing in society.
Batam's economic growth has been nothing short of spectacular. In the 1990s, it experienced an investment boom fuelled by investments from Singapore. This lasted for two decades and transformed the economy and landscape of what was an outpost into a place with a major industrial city of over 1 million inhabitants.
This impressive pace of development has often been accompanied by a marked degradation of the natural environment. Mangrove areas have rapidly disappeared, floods have occurred around the city because of erosion caused by land clearing; illegal squatter settlements have intruded into protected forests, and toxic substances from the offshore cleaning of ships have affected the quality of Batam's coastal waters.
But all is not lost. Economic and environmental imperatives can be reconciled if Batam's development trajectory takes into account the impact of economic growth on the environment. Sustainable development is not impossible.
Negative environmental impacts have to be controlled by regulations and by proper enforcement. The institutional framework (regulations and property rights) plays a central role to ensure that negative environmental impacts are accounted for and minimized. Problems generally arise from either an absence of regulations or property rights to regulate the environment or from the absence or lack of enforcement by the relevant authorities.
The Riau Islands Province (PRI) is made up of five rural regencies (kabupaten) and two cities or urban municipalities (kota). Batam and Tanjung Pinang are the two cities within PRI, while Bintan, Karimun, Lingga, Anambas and Natuna form the five regencies. Batam Island's land area totals 415 km2 (41,500 hectares).
This paper will examine the various manifestations and causes of environmental degradation against the backdrop of economic transformation, population growth and enforcement (or lack thereof). It also provides a comprehensive update where possible of the present state of environmental affairs in the municipality, and the challenges involved in maintaining the carrying capacity of the environment to cope with development.
Following a discussion of the methodology used in this study, the next section will examine the impact of government policies on economic transformation, and of migration on population growth. Regulations and enforcement measures are then discussed in general, followed by an examination of Batam's environmental management challenges across many fronts.
Among the major religions in Singapore, Christianity has been the fastest growing faith in the last three decades. The percentage of the resident population aged 15 years and older — inclusive of citizens and permanent residents numbering around 3.12 million people — that professed to be Christians, increased from 10.1 per cent in 1980 to 18.3 per cent in 2010. The converts were overwhelmingly of Chinese ethnicity. Buddhism and Taoism, the main religious affiliations of the majority Chinese population in Singapore, have registered a decline from 57.0 to 44.2 per cent in the same period. Christianization trumps secularization, as those professing “no religion” increased from 14.1 to 17.0 per cent in the same period. The two trends compete for the same demographic group, namely, young adults with higher educational qualifications.
The fastest growth sector within Singapore Christianity is independent, non-denominational Pentecostalism. The four megachurches that belong to this sector have attendance numbers estimated to be above 10,000. They are City Harvest Church (20,000), Faith Community Baptist Church (10,000), Lighthouse Evangelism (15,000), and New Creation Church (30,000). All four churches were founded in the 1980s, at a time when Christianity in Singapore was experiencing a crisis of relevance; socially engaged liberal Christianity withdrew from the public sphere due to political crackdowns and the inability of conservative Christianity to fill the gap. Most of the founding pastors of these churches left their denominational churches, seeking to carve their own way with the interpretation of scriptures and adaptation of charismatic worship practices to the Singaporean context.
Megachurches have been successful in drawing young converts largely because of the preaching of contextual theologies relevant to the aspirations of the middle classes, as well as the adaptation of church practices to the urban consumerism and political conservatism brought on by the developmental state's programme of directed capitalist transformation of society. Their years of rapid growth, from the 1990s to the 2000s, coincided with the coming-of-age of a postcolonial generation of Singaporeans in a highly urbanized social and economic setting shaped by rapid modernization and change due to globalization.
The economic, political, strategic and cultural dynamism in Southeast Asia has gained added relevance in recent years with the spectacular rise of giant economies in East and South Asia. This has drawn greater attention to the region and to the enhanced role it now plays in international relations and global economics.
The sustained effort made by Southeast Asian nations since 1967 towards a peaceful and gradual integration of their economies has had indubitable success, and perhaps as a consequence of this, most of these countries are undergoing deep political and social changes domestically and are constructing innovative solutions to meet new international challenges. Big Power tensions continue to be played out in the neighbourhood despite the tradition of neutrality exercised by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
The Trends in Southeast Asia series acts as a platform for serious analyses by selected authors who are experts in their fields. It is aimed at encouraging policymakers and scholars to contemplate the diversity and dynamism of this exciting region.
The economic, political, strategic and cultural dynamism in Southeast Asia has gained added relevance in recent years with the spectacular rise of giant economies in East and South Asia. This has drawn greater attention to the region and to the enhanced role it now plays in international relations and global economics.
The sustained effort made by Southeast Asian nations since 1967 towards a peaceful and gradual integration of their economies has had indubitable success, and perhaps as a consequence of this, most of these countries are undergoing deep political and social changes domestically and are constructing innovative solutions to meet new international challenges. Big Power tensions continue to be played out in the neighbourhood despite the tradition of neutrality exercised by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
TheTrends in Southeast Asia series acts as a platform for serious analyses by selected authors who are experts in their fields. It is aimed at encouraging policymakers and scholars to contemplate the diversity and dynamism of this exciting region.
Senior Pastor Lawrence Khong, head of Faith Community Baptist Church (FCBC), one of the biggest charismatic megachurches in Singapore, is a tad nervous. The 2014 Shanghai tour of his magic show VISION, part David Copperfield and part Cirque du Soleil complete with dancing girls and disappearing sports cars, is not selling as well as it should. Khong urges his congregation back home in Singapore, through a video clip on Facebook, to pray for the show's success. Together with his daughter Priscilla, Khong also runs Gateway Entertainment, the production company that funds and creates his magic shows. Meanwhile, Sun Ho, wife of Kong Hee, the senior pastor of City Harvest Church (CHC), can be found singing about “killing Bill” — her philandering partner — in a music video produced by American artist Wyclef Jean. In another dance-friendly music video replete with cultural misalignments, Ho is scantily dressed like a geisha but singing about “China Wine”. “The creation of a persona is part and parcel of the music and movie industry”, the church takes pains to explain. “Some artists switch personas from film to film or from album to album. Ho herself went from the “geisha” persona in “China Wine” to a new one in her latest music video “Fancy Free”.
The intertwining of Christianity and capitalism is, of course, not new. Weber traced the origins of the Protestant work ethic to the importance that Calvinists placed on worldly success, as they grappled with the thorny issue of predestination. Miller and Yamamori highlighted the “practical” side of the “Prosperity Gospels”, in how Christian entrepreneurs are encouraged and groomed to give back to the church. Others like Ellingson and Sargeant, observing concertlike sermons and marketing strategies, noted how Christianity has been remarkably adaptable to capitalist and consumerist impulses. This adaptive character should come as no surprise because Christianity, particularly its Pentecostal strand, has long demonstrated the dual ability to be transnational in crossing cultural boundaries while indigenizing itself with local traditions and practices. This has ensured the retention of a broad global identity coupled with deep local relevance, and has contributed to the relative speed and ease with which Pentecostalism has spread across the globe, particularly Asia.
• Batam's economic transformation has been accompanied by a marked degradation of its natural environment. Enforcement to protect the environment has often been inadequate on many fronts, exacerbated by population increases.
• Though regulations exist for the provision of public amenities like wastewater and sewerage treatment, existing facilities are run-down and ill-equipped to cope with the present demands.
• The capacity of reservoirs to meet the present demand for water is also strained because of the large population base, with illegal intrusion and squatters further threatening supplies.
• Economic and environmental imperatives can be reconciled if more emphasis and resources are put into enforcing regulations and protecting the environment.
The global success of Pentecostalism has made it necessary to speak of different Pentecostalisms. From the United States to Latin America, East and Southeast Asia, Pentecostalism has been shaped by different politics and cultures. One might even say that Pentecostal pluralism has ensured not just its survival but its continued cross-cultural flourish. Indeed, Pentecostalism's ability to adapt practices and theologies to local conditions has seen the faith emerge in a multitude of expressions while retaining enough common characteristics for global coherence. Its global spread began in the nineteenth century through the flow of Western missionaries, sometimes via the passage of colonialism, and has hinged on its simultaneously indigenizing and transnationalizing nature. For the most part, these Western missionaries, many of whom may not have been Pentecostals to begin with, in setting up churches in foreign lands had embarked on a de facto indigenization process through various actions such as their reliance on local interpreters, the communication of the Gospel through local idioms, and the eventual training of local clergy. The practical needs of proselytizing in a foreign land ensured that the Gospel was always understood through a local cultural prism, much in the same way contemporary preachers are prone to framing sermons around topical national events and local issues from their pulpits to add just that touch of relevance to the Word of God. To be able to see the divine through the local has made the Pentecostal experience a unique one.
Furthermore, the numerous Pentecostal revivals around the world that pre-date the 1906 Azusa Street revival in Los Angeles suggests that the indigenization process was not merely driven by practice and methods but also by the careful choice of relevant messages. The Gospels, its parables, and message of hope and salvation were crafted not as straightforward Judeo-Christian narratives for consumption by different communities, but as divine restoration that spoke to the wants of different locales fashioned from a common text. Korean Pentecostalism's emphasis on divine healing resonates with the Korean worldview on the wounding of the han (or ethnic essence) of communities caused by wars, colonialism and poverty.
Said to have originated in the United States in the 1900s, Pentecostalism is one of the fastest growing Christian denominations internationally and has become the largest numerical force in world Christianity after the Roman Catholic Church. Pentecostalism has traditionally seen a downward mobilization of the Spirit resulting in large swathes of working or rural class individuals embracing the faith. Although these characteristics are now found globally, the amorphous nature of Pentecostalism defies typical characterizations because of its simultaneously transnationalizing and indigenizing features. Its growth, expressions, manifestations, and enactments deserve to be treated not merely as an import from American Christianity, but one that has varied, multiple, and fluid meanings, especially in a non-Western, Muslim majority country like Malaysia. Whereas Pentecostal churches are to some extent governed and characterized by established denominational structures and theology, many megachurches are increasingly non-denominational and construct their own brand and identity that is increasingly influenced by corporate discourse and governed by growth philosophy. In fact, this is one of the distinguishing characteristics of a megachurch: pastors deliberately execute projects to increase attendance numbers, while strategizing to grow the church even bigger in size and financial resources. This creates competitive, organizational, and theological tensions. It is important to decipher the extent to which this is embraced and resisted.
Using Calvary Church, a Pentecostal megachurch based in Kuala Lumpur, as a case study, I demonstrate how the church is able to strategically draw upon various discourses, embedded in discursive practices and mediated by organizational, linguistic, and socio-cultural resources to materialize Christianity in the Malaysian context and achieve its organizational objective of growth. Given Malaysia's volatile and complicated multi-ethnic and multi-religious landscape, this chapter explores how Calvary Church uses elements of religious traditions and other familiar and appealing discourses to produce artefacts and experiences that resonate with contemporary middleclass ideals in Malaysia. I demonstrate this specifically by studying the church's practices as well as the multiple discourses the church draws upon, which can be observed from organizational artefacts. The focus of the chapter and the milieu of the analysis will be the organizational structure of the church. Although reference will be made to the Malaysian context where appropriate, it will not be the central scope of this chapter; there is extensive literature about Malaysia's religious context.