The theology of Leviticus is also deeply concerned with holiness in time and setting a liturgical rhythm for the people of Israel. The focus on cultic calendars and seasonal festivals is important in understanding how Leviticus views holiness. The rhythms of the people are directed by God’s creation in Genesis and his salvific works in Exodus. These are tied into seasonal harvest and celebrations for the flourishing of God’s people.

Chapter 7 draws together the findings of the book concerning the impact of NJM interventions on community and worker struggles to achieve remedy. Lessons are drawn from both widespread failure and small gains. ‘Success’ is more likely, in the sense that aggrieved communities and worker groups are more likely to attain the outcomes they pursue, when NJM interventions facilitate the influence of communities within wider fields of struggle. These interventions include NJMs enhancing the credibility and public awareness of the alleged rights violations, strengthening alliances between actors supportive of redress, leveraging aspects of state and business power that empowered those alliances and enhancing claimants’ skills in advocacy and negotiation. Nonetheless, effective NJM interventions depend on the characteristics of the relevant field of struggle, such as distributions of power within a given supply chain, distributions of business and civil society access to state power and prior histories of campaigning and political organisation in particular sectors and locations.

How did Kant incorporate elements of natural right into his philosophical system after radically transforming the basis for philosophical claims in the Critique of Pure Reason, the Groundwork, and other related texts? I show how Kant praises certain ideas by natural law theorists while rejecting their foundations and many of their applications. Two particular areas reflect this process: Kant’s rejection of slavery and his developing work on war and international institutions for peace. Feyerabend must be understood as a stage in the development of Kant’s overarching unitary theory of right that fuses domestic and international right.

Bengal was a region long known to the Company. Trade, however, was stifled by the Portuguese and the determination of Mughal authorities to resist English incursions. The Company was able to establish settlements in the weaving centres of Patna, Dacca and Malda, but these were outlying centres of production. Josiah Child’s control of the Company signalled a shift towards a new aggressive phase notable for a resolve to fortify settlements, exploit new sources of land revenue and a willingness to challenge Mughal authority. In the aftermath of the abortive assault on Chittagong, Job Charnock settled on a site on the banks of the Hugli. Pestilential, remote and of little interest to Mughal authorities it may have been, and yet the three small villages which became Calcutta were trading centres, made easily defensible by the encompassing jungle and river. Charnock died before any vision he had for the site could be realized, but his successors acted expeditiously and mostly fraudulently to secure zaminardi rights over the surrounding area, erect adequate fortification and after a period of uncertainty, impose a system of justice based on the mayors’ courts of Bombay and Madras.

Chapter 4 looks at Mossad’s assassination of Mahmoud al-Hamshari, who was killed in an explosion in his home in Paris on 8 December 1972. The chapter analyses the cables sent by French intelligence that updated Club de Berne members (including Mossad) about the ongoing police investigation. The chapter also looks at Black September attacks that happened in December 1972, one of which was a major attack in Bangkok. Palestinian terrorists planned a simultaneous attack in Scandinavia, which is revealed here for the first time. Another attack targeted Israel’s prime minister via a surface-to-air missile at Rome Fiumicino Airport. If this attack had succeeded, it would probably have counted among the most spectacular terrorist events of the decade. Club de Berne reports about Black September’s preparations for its terrorist activities show that agencies were trying to be one step ahead of the group. A few warnings issued by Mossad at the time are interesting from a contemporary perspective: the agency warned that Palestinians could hijack a plane and crash it into an Israeli city. Mossad thought that a plane could serve as a weapon, as was the case forty years later during 9/11.

As this book’s “negative cases,” Chapter 7 unpacks why legal mobilization related to tobacco product liability and the recovery of healthcare costs for treating smokers has had so little impact on legal frameworks and jurisprudence. The chapter highlights the persistence of the Tobacco Business Law in sustaining the tobacco industry’s political power, the role of transnational networks among tobacco companies in resisting stronger regulations, domestic Japanese and Korean judges’ narrow interpretations of standing rules and causation, and the weaknesses of support structures for sustained legal mobilization and advocacy.

This chapter uses the short but toxic ownership tenure of American businessmen Tom Hicks and George Gillett (2007-10) as a window onto the tensions between activism and commercialism, and between the local and the international, at LFC in the twenty-first century. Drawing on testimony from members of the supporters’ union Spirit of Shankly, Chapter 13 analyses the power, and the limits, of fan protest in ‘the age of football’.

The Feyerabend lectures (1784) anticipate many fundamental theses of Kant’s political thought in the published writings of the 1790s. In three fundamental topics – 1) the transition from the state of nature to the civil state, 2) the conception of sovereignty and of the division of powers, 3) the infallibility of the sovereign, with the related topics of the non-coercibility of the executive and the denial of the right to rebel – Kant has the basic structure of his political thought already clear and his intellectual debt to Achenwall is limited. These lecture notes also include a fundamental distinction between two senses of legislative power: understood as constituent and operative in the defining moment of the constitution of the state (what Achenwall would call the moment yielding fundamental laws) and understood as the specification of the fundamental laws agreed upon in their hypothetical origin. This distinction is never fully spelled out by Kant but is absolutely crucial to making sense of his body of political thought and addressing some apparent difficulties, including a proper understanding of his (in)famous denial of people’s right to rebel.

The introduction by the co-editors both surveys the biography of María Irene Fornés and highlights the significance of Fornés’s work within and beyond the US theatre context. The co-editors also offer a summary overview of the goals of the volume, detailing the thematic and contextual priorities of each of the volume’s four parts (Places and People; Theatre; Culture, Society, and Politics; Legacy). Next, the co-editors offer six potential pathways (Experimentation, Pedagogy, Bilinguality, Networks, Archival Discoveries, "Choose Your Own Adventure") for readers, teachers, and students to follow as they choose "how to use" the volume. Finally, the co-editors conclude with a word of welcome to readers, inviting them to the process of the many as-yet-to-be-told stories of María Irene Fornés in her many contexts.

The state of nature in social contract theories tells us two stories, one about who the main political actors are, and another one about the supra-juridical normativity and principles those actors use to judge and act politically once they are in the civil state. In my chapter I focus on the latter matter by contrasting Kant’s approach to the state of nature and its role in his social contract theory as given in the Feyerabend lectures with the conceptions of the state of nature in Hobbes, Locke, Achenwall, and Rousseau. Following the thesis that pre-juridical normativity functions as supra-juridical normativity once in the state, my main question is: how is "natural", in the sense of "pre-political", normativity generated? With this I am referring not only to the source of normativity, but mainly to how pretensions of normativity arise when people interact in the state of nature, and if these are or are not regulated by a moral-legal order independent from that interaction.

This sub-chapter provides a critical reflection on the feminist reimagining of five selected decisions from the two ICC situations in the Central African Republic (CAR), known as ‘CAR I’ and ‘CAR II’. It begins by providing background to the relevant conflicts, as well as the procedural history of the cases prosecuted at the ICC. It goes on to summarise the key facts and outcomes of the ICC proceedings, before discussing how the authors of the reimagined decisions have departed from the original in adopting a feminist perspective. The sub-chapter considers what makes each decision ‘feminist’ and reflects upon how gender justice might be effected if we were to act beyond the ‘existing rules’ of international criminal law.

This chapter assesses the effects of intra-industry trade on lobbying in the EU. It includes the results of analysis of an original dataset of EU-based lobbying over several trade agreements. First, the chapter briefly discusses the nature of trade policy in the EU, and then surveys the literature on the politics of trade in Europe, with a focus on the state of our knowledge about the character of political coalitions and the involvement of industry associations and individual firms in the trade policymaking process. Second, the chapter discusses the role of intra-industry trade in the EU and presents an argument about the way that IIT has eroded the ability of European industry associations to lobby jointly over trade policy. Third, the chapter introduces the dataset used to assess the argument and discusses the quantitative analysis and results. The results support the theory developed in this book and demonstrate that IIT affects societal coalitions across diverse institutional contexts.