We formally define polynomial endofunctors on the category of sets, referring to them as polynomial functors or simply polynomials. These are constructed as sums of representable functors on the category of sets. We provide concrete examples of polynomials and highlight that the set of representable summands of a polynomial is isomorphic to the set obtained by evaluating the functor at the singleton set, which we term the positions of the polynomial. For each position, the elements of the representing set of the corresponding representable summand are called the directions. Beyond representables, we define three additional special classes of polynomials: constants, linear polynomials, and monomials. We close the chapter by offering three intuitive interpretations of positions and directions: as menus and options available to a decision-making agent, as roots and leaves of specific directed graphs called corolla forests, and as entries in two-cell spreadsheets we refer to as polyboxes.

Each country in North America – the US, Canada, and Mexico – has a distinct beer culture and all made, and are making, significant contributions to how beer and beer law develops. The US is the source of the modern craft beer industry movement that has swept all over the world. Importantly, A legal reform catering for home brewing is seen as the foundation for this development. But this is not the only way in which North America’s brewing has challenged tradition. Other examples are also discussed in this chapter, and legal aspects are highlighted.

The Minorities Commission of 1957-58 demonstrated the degree to which people had aligned their ethnic affiliation with the newly articulated political identities by the late 1950s. Even though each region contained significant heterogeneous populations, each of the major political parties aligned with the numerically major ethnic group, which also conformed to colonially construed majorities (i.e., Hausa, Yoruba, Igbo). This further exacerbated the growing sense of alienation minorities felt amid nationalist fervor during this period. In the end, the Minorities Commission recommended that Nigeria enter independence with the existing tripartite regional structure. However, it did recommend the new Nigerian state set up “special areas” or “minority areas” in the Western and Eastern Regions under the jurisdiction of the federal government; the idea was that these would receive special consideration for further development. Addressing the minority question would have required more time and resources than the British government was willing to give to this colony.

This chapter analyzes the shift towards a closer involvement of the Amsterdam authorities in the lives of citizens from all layers of society that occurred through various institutional innovations after the city turned Protestant in 1578. Credit was a unifying economic phenomenon in Amsterdam, and examining the function of credit allows us to shed light on the connections between people from various classes. Focusing on the phenomenon of insolvency, essentially a breakdown of credit, makes it possible to open up broader perspectives on the early modern economy. Guilds and their civic middle-class values shaped social and economic policies of this period in important ways, clearly displaying the integration among different social groups that also came to be reflected in contemporary legal theory and practice. Religious communities also occupied an important role in financial conflict resolution between creditors and debtors. The moral dimensions of insolvency that become manifest through the acts of various Amsterdam consistories reflect important changes in the attitudes towards insolvency that are typical of the seventeenth-century Dutch Republic.

Chapter 5 discusses the economic structure of a rational state. Anticipating Marx’s critique of capitalism, Hegel associates the maximization of self-interest promoted by the modern market to an inconsistent and ultimately irrational conception of freedom. He argues that the elevation of freedom to a rational form requires not merely a readjustment of the economic sphere, but a change of paradigm, and this change is entrusted to a system of professional corporations in which competition is replaced by cooperation and trust. Yet although these groups can help mitigate capitalism’s worst excesses, they are not up to the conceptual role Hegel wants them to play. This does not mean, however, that his associative strategy cannot be successfully revived. The chapter’s final section shows that a rational economic sphere implies not only the common ownership of society’s productive resources, but also the democratization of the productive sphere. Drawing on the market socialist tradition, it is suggested that the corporations can be fruitfully reconstructed as worker-directed enterprises, capable of recapturing their communal spirit while avoiding their main limitations.

There has always been something paradoxical with mainstream theories of international organizations in public international law. Yet the source of the field’s many perplexities has remained somewhat elusive. Instead of adding another layer on top of existing constructions, this book has argued that the real problem lies right at the bottom. It pertains to how international lawyers have generally tended to theorize the state for analytical purposes, explicitly or implicitly, literally or fictionally. So long as we leave these assumptions about the state uninterrogated, our theories are bound to push themselves into the same analytical corner.

Neoclassical economics is inherently biased against progressive policies and therefore should be avoided by progressives seeking to make the case for them. This is reflected in the history of regulation of payday loans and other fringe financial products. Conservatives used economic arguments to roll back regulation of these products in the second half of the twentieth century. Attempts to reregulate them have since been stymied despite progressives’ use of behavioral economic arguments to justify greater regulation. Progressives who eschew economic argument have had more success pursuing reform in other areas in the Biden Administration. The failure of behavioral economics to advance a progressive agenda in fringe finance suggests that inframarginalism, which also embraces the neoclassical analytic, will not help progressives. Another problem is that any neoclassical approach privileges elite expertise.

The typical American nonprofit hospital does not fit well with the economic theory of the firm. That theory, as explained by Ronald Coase, imagines that a firm is an organization in which a manager directs the allocation of capital and labor already contracted with the firm. In contrast, US hospital management historically did not employ physicians, supplies of a key input. Physicians were a parallel entity, the medical staff, who billed separately and could issue orders for deployment of other hospital inputs (such as nursing staff). More physicians are not salaried hospital employees, but they still bill separately and have independent control. This chapter outlines a model of the nonprofit hospital in which the objective is maximization of net income of the medical staff and argues that this theory explains much of hospital behavior. Care coordination, tax advantages for nonprofits, and community benefits are also discussed.

This chapter begins by exploring the professionalization of Czech rock under the influence of The Beatles in the 1960s, exemplified by the group Olympic. The second part of the chapter focuses on the distinction between official and unofficial types of popular music that emerged in the 1970s and 1980s. An examination of the output and reception of the groups Blue Effect and The Plastic People of the Universe during this period illustrates how rock music became politicized during normalization and how this politicization influenced later Czech historiographies of rock.

Despite international instruments on trafficking and forced labour that stipulate the importance of ensuring rightsholders can access effective remedy, instances of remediation for harms including forced, bonded, and child labour, as well as trafficking, have been rare. While remedy is also a common feature of strategies to address modern slavery adopted by nation states and multinational businesses, in practice workers who have been subject to severe forms of labour exploitation in global value chains (GVCs) continue to face significant obstacles to securing redress from those who have violated, or contributed to violation, of their rights.

Obstacles to remedy are multifarious and well-documented (OHCHR, 2016; ICAR et al., 2013). GVCs are complex, involving multiple actors and crossing multiple jurisdictions, rendering it challenging to assign accountability and secure appropriate remedial measures, and most legal systems have not adapted to the reality of service and production within GVCs. Even where powerful (‘lead’) companies in the value chain shape the terms of supply and working conditions and are in the same jurisdiction in which the harm arising from their actions or omissions has occurred, remedial action is often stymied by labour law systems that only allow claims against direct employers. Where claims of joint employment or accessorial liability are possible under labour law, such claims are infrequent because of the stringency of tests of control or contribution, and the costs of such litigation (Marshall et al., 2023). In rare cases where litigants are successful in their legal claims, they often struggle to secure enforcement of any court order. Where the lead company that is influencing working conditions in the value chain is in another jurisdiction to where the harm has occurred, the chances of such claims succeeding are even lower (Fudge and Mundlak, 2023). Key principles underpinning private international law – such as those pertaining to jurisdiction and choice of law – largely operate to the benefit of businesses rather than those affected by their activities.

This chapter discusses the search for a modernist musical culture in Czechoslovakia after 1918 and the ideological underpinnings of this search. The chapter also focuses on three specific modernist tendencies: neoclassicism, neofolklorism, and a set of musical trends termed civilism, which runs parallel to the German New Objectivity movement. Although based on different techniques and viewpoints, the three tendencies are marked by internal similarities. All three approaches to modern composition aim at abandoning Romantic sensibilities and avoiding romanticism through different means: neoclassicism by a recourse to pre-Romantic music; neofolklorism in an exploration of musical traditions of the common people from different ethnic groups; and civilism in a reliance on jazz.

Chapter 2 chronicles the explosion in the number of strongly interacting particles, and efforts to understand them. It ends with an introduction to the discovery of quarks (originally called “aces”), and the resistance to accepting them for what they are: real particles that live in a deeper layer of reality.

The concepts of quantum number, resonance, and scattering cross section are explained, and the theories meant to explain the existence of strongly interacting particles are elucidated, including Fermi and Yang’s composite pion, Sakata’s composite hadrons, Chew and Frautschi’s “bootstrap,” and Heisenberg’s nonlinear spinor theory. The discovery of quarks suggested by the anomalous suppression of phi decay is detailed, and the importance of anomalies in physics is highlighted. Two remarkable meson and baryon mass relations are given. Both positive and negative reactions to the idea of quarks as constituents of hadrons are presented. Chapters 1 and 2 describe the recurring chaos and confusion that existed during the time between the discoveries of radioactivity and quarks. Once discovered, the path to the acceptance of quarks as real particles was equally confusing.