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In the wake of the Battle of the Somme and the repercussions of the Easter Rising, changes in Dublin’s engagement with the war were seen in four key areas from late summer 1916 into 1917 and the summer of that year. One was a renewal of recruiting efforts to fill gaps in the ranks. Two others – mounting front-line losses and manifestations of the war on the home front – demonstrated how the war was increasingly attritional. The other, the release in June 1917 of the remaining Easter Rising prisoners, gave a new impulse to republican politics in the city.
As the Rising ended, there was little sign of support for the rebels in Dublin. A factor which influenced the way the rebels were treated by local people was the level of British military service in the areas around the main sites of the Rising. It is easy to understand how the ‘separation women’ would have been especially angry. Across the war, 1,082 men from these roads served in the British military. It is not clear when all enlisted, but there are enlistment dates for 658 of them. Of those, 528 were already serving when the Rising began. If those for whom an enlistment date has not survived had joined up at similar times, then we can expect that around 868 of the 1,082 were already serving. Of these, 121 had already been killed before the Rising; 14 were killed at Hulluch between 27 and 29 April 1916, and another 170 later in the war.
Revisionist historians have challenged the popular view of the war as one of futile slaughter. The Somme was, for William Philpott, a ‘Bloody Victory’.2 While A. J. P. Taylor called Passchendaele ‘the blindest slaughter of a blind war’, Gary Sheffield argues that Taylor’s ‘blanket condemnation of the campaign … is a travesty of the truth’.3 But no such case is made for Gallipoli, or more formally the ‘Dardanelles’ campaign. Its aim was extremely laudable: the naval destruction of Turkey’s defences along the Dardanelles passage at the entrance of the Sea of Marmara which led to Constantinople. Through a mix of land and sea power, the Turkish capital would be seized and the Central Powers would lose a key ally. The idea was the brainchild of Winston Churchill, then the First Lord of the Admiralty.