To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
As the War of Independence intensified, the value of former British servicemen became apparent. The Squad’s work rested on intelligence information. Some came from former British soldiers whose military service allowed them to cross over between the worlds of the British military and the IRA, securing positions of use to the IRA. On demobilisation in October 1919, Bernard Golden joined the IRA in Dublin and was told to find civilian employment.
This book offers a new military history of the city and county of Dublin in the era of the First World War and the Irish Revolution, setting the narratives of British soldiers and Irish republicans alongside each other. Much of the writing of Dublin’s history between the start of the Home Rule crisis in 1912 and the end of the Irish Civil War in 1923 has been dominated by the Easter Rising of April 1916, along with its causes and consequences. There are certainly important studies of the city (less so the county) which recognise the interconnections between the two conflicts in terms of their impact on society, politics and the economy.1 Meanwhile, excellent material on the Rising and the wider Irish Revolution has emphasised how the war created ‘the long-awaited opportunity for rebellion’ and made Irish republicans believe that an attempt at revolution was necessary to seize the political initiative.2 Yet the war raging in Europe and elsewhere in 1914–18 is generally treated as a backdrop to this turning point in Irish history.
For the first time, Richard S. Grayson tells the story of the Dubliners who served in the British military and in republican forces during the First World War and the Irish Revolution as a series of interconnected 'Great Wars'. He charts the full scope of Dubliners' military service, far beyond the well-known Dublin 'Pals', with as many as 35,000 serving and over 6,500 dead, from the Irish Sea to the Middle East and beyond. Linking two conflicts usually narrated as separate stories, he shows how Irish nationalist support for Britain going to war in 1914 can only be understood in the context of the political fight for Home Rule and why so many Dubliners were hostile to the Easter Rising. He examines Dublin loyalism and how the War of Independence and the Civil War would be shaped by the militarisation of Irish society and the earlier experiences of veterans of the British army.
In contrast to the voluminous literature on trench warfare, few scholarly works have been written on how the First World War was experienced at sea. The conditions of war challenged the Royal Navy's position within British national identity and its own service ethos. This challenge took the form of a dialogue, fuelled by fear of civil unrest, between the discourses of paternalism from above and democratism from below. Laura Rowe explores issues of morale and discipline, using the contemporary language of discipline to shed light on key questions of how the service was able to absorb indiscipline with marked success through a subtle web of loyalties, history, ethos, traditions and customs, which were rooted in older notions of service but moulded by the new conditions of total war. In so doing, she provides not only a new methodological framework for understanding morale, but also military discipline and leadership.
This anthology surveys the ecological impacts of the First World War. Editors Richard P. Tucker, Tait Keller, J. R. McNeill, and Martin Schmidt bring together a list of experienced authors who explore the global interactions of states, armies, civilians, and the environment during the war. They show how the First World War ushered in enormous environmental changes, including the devastation of rural and urban environments, the consumption of strategic natural resources such as metals and petroleum, the impact of war on urban industry, and the disruption of agricultural landscapes leading to widespread famine. Taking a global perspective, Environmental Histories of the First World War presents the ecological consequences of the vast destructive power of the new weaponry and the close collaboration between militaries and civilian governments taking place during this time, showing how this war set trends for the rest of the century.
In this path-breaking work on the American Civil War, Joan E. Cashin explores the struggle between armies and civilians over the human and material resources necessary to wage war. This war 'stuff' included the skills of white Southern civilians, as well as such material resources as food, timber, and housing. At first, civilians were willing to help Confederate or Union forces, but the war took such a toll that all civilians, regardless of politics, began focusing on their own survival. Both armies took whatever they needed from human beings and the material world, which eventually destroyed the region's ability to wage war. In this fierce contest between civilians and armies, the civilian population lost. Cashin draws on a wide range of documents, as well as the perspectives of environmental history and material culture studies. This book provides an entirely new perspective on the war era.
Understanding Modern Warfare has established itself as the leading introduction to the issues, ideas, concepts and context necessary to understand the theory and conduct of warfare in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. It is an invaluable text for military professionals and students of military history. Key features include: incisive coverage of the debates surrounding contemporary and future warfare; accessible, yet sophisticated, discussion across the land, sea, and air environments; and coverage of contemporary topics such as drones, cyber warfare, and hybrid warfare. The book makes extensive use of text boxes to explain key concepts and to reference extended examples, and it includes annotated guides to further reading and key questions to promote the reader's further thinking. This second edition has been fully revised and updated to take into account new debates and recent events in Syria, Iraq and Ukraine, and it has also been restructured to further improve its usefulness as a teaching tool.
The Korean War was one of the deadliest conflicts of the post-World War II era for civilians. One of the leading causes of civilian deaths was U.S. strategic bombing, which, after an initial period of restraint, obliterated the cities and towns of North Korea beginning in November 1950. This chapter argues that the key factor that explains the shift in U.S. bombing strategy was the battlefield situation faced by U.S. forces. U.S. B-29 bombers were ordered to burn down cities only when Chinese intervention in the war threatened to overrun U.S. ground forces. These incendiary attacks were meant first to deter and complicate Chinese entry into the war, and later to destroy any means of supply, sustenance, or shelter for enemy troops—in other words, cities, towns, and villages. Although U.S. officials never admitted to targeting North Korean civilians, this is true only because almost everything in North Korea was defined as a military target. In doing so, U.S. leaders collapsed the combatant-noncombatant distinction completely. This allowed Americans to deny that they were targeting civilians intentionally, but only by reclassifying hundreds of thousands of civilian deaths as “collateral damage.”
The military/civilian distinction has been significantly shaped by international efforts to bring assistance to civilians. Traditionally, peacekeeping was not particularly oriented towards that goal, but the need to rescue civilians has become increasingly central to the justifications of Security Council interventions and, in turn, the very nature of such interventions. The protection of civilians nonetheless remains a vexed issue, one that raises problems of impartiality for peacekeepers, may bring them to support the state in its fights against armed groups, and raises questions of potential accountability both for what peacekeepers do and, more problematically, what they may fail to do. The construction of what types of civilians need to be rescued is therefore at the heart of contemporary evolutions of peacekeeping.
In March 2006, the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) created the Human Rights Council (UNHCR) which replaced the Commission on Human Rights established in 1946. Despite several successes, including the drafting of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in 1948, the Commission suffered from a lack of effectiveness, the presence of human rights violators in its ranks, and, above all, the politicization of its work. As this chapter argues, the conception of the human that materialized in the wake of the Second World War mirrored the rise of the global Cold War. Human rights became one of those sites over which American and Soviet views collided and over which the civil-military distinction collapsed. Human Rights emerged in 1945 as a new site for waging a Cold War for the hearts and minds of millions of civilians around the world.
This chapter examines how the First Indochina War (1945-54) collapsed the divide between civilians and soldiers. Two case studies are at the core of this essay – the Battle of Hanoi that marked the start of the conflict and the Battle of Dien Bien Phu that ended it in a remote northern valley in mid-1954. The Battle of Hanoi saw Vietnamese partisans, civilians and soldiers, take up arms to prevent the French army from retaking the city by force. At Dien Bien Phu, the Vietnamese communist transformed their guerilla army into a professional one. Although the Vietnamese communist party relied on two very different types of warfare in Hanoi and Dien Bien Phu, in each case the divide between civilians and professional soldiers was always blurred. Regular troops may have fought the French in set piece battle at Dien Bien Phu; but the party mobilized hundreds of thousands of civilians to serve as their human logistics service.