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Putin’s xenophobia is an outgrowth of the belief of Russian imperial nationalists the West is supporting an ‘artificial’ Ukraine and Ukrainian people as a Russophobic conspiracy to divide the ‘Russian’ people and weaken Russia. The Kremlin conjures up a Ukrainian hand in practically every unpleasant event for Russia. Russia has fluctuated between seeking to catch up with the West and viewing the West xenophobically. Russia’s pursuit of good relations with the West was an aberration: Mikhail Gorbachev was preceded by Joseph Stalin and Soviet conservative leaders, while Boris Yeltsin was succeeded by imperial nationalist Vladimir Putin. For liberalisers, catching up with the West was to modernise Russia/USSR, improve its economic and military potential, and attract foreign investment, and technology. For imperial nationalists, the West is a negative ‘Other’ that has imposed alien values on the USSR/Russia, which is spiritually superior. The West and Ukraine are attacked in four ways. Firstly, Western interference in Eurasia, which has always been viewed as Russia’s exclusive sphere of influence. Secondly, Russia’s ruling siloviki are anti-Western xenophobes and possess a Soviet conspiracy mindset. Thirdly, anti-Western xenophobia is linked to a cult of war and search for internal and external enemies. Fourthly, Russian imperial nationalist obsession with Ukraine.
The Body Mass Index-Based Figure Rating Scale for Chinese Adolescents (C-BMI-FRS; Yu et al., 2022) provides a brief way to assess the body dissatisfaction of Chinese adolescents via calculating the discrepancy between their chosen actual and ideal body silhouettes. Height, weight, sex, and age data was calculated from a large sample of Chinese adolescents and a professional artist drew four equal height silhouettes for each sex (girls, boys) based on these data. The four silhouettes, which represented BMI values at the 20th, 40th, 60th, and 80th percentiles, were placed above a horizontal bar with 25 grids. Respondents choose the number (1-25) that represents the figure that they actually have and the figure they ideally would like to have. Their chosen ideal figure is then subtracted from their chosen actual figure. The figures and logistics of use, such as permissions, copyright, and contact information, are provided for readers.
The second Trump administration has disrupted global climate politics, turning the United States away from the clean energy and environmental policies of the Biden administration. Consequently, analytical attention is turning, inside and outside of the United States, to a family of concepts referred to as “Climate Realism” (CR), which favors long-run investments in technology and adaptation over near-term climate mitigation efforts. We critically engage with CR and argue that political science identifies four key features of climate politics that shed light on CR’s strengths and weaknesses, and which will persist even in the second Trump era. Despite CR’s flaws, we contend that its emergence in reaction to the second Trump administration highlights some important dimensions of climate politics that deserve greater attention going forward. We highlight three topics for research: the political and practical strategies of the anti-green coalition; the heterogeneity in viable national economic strategies; and the implications for IR of a turn away from meaningful climate mitigation in powerful nations.
Medical device innovation is key to advancing healthcare and fostering economic development. As the global medical technology market expands, the capacity of regions and countries to attract and support innovation has become increasingly significant. This article examines the growing perception that China is becoming a more attractive environment for medical device development than Europe, focusing on key regulatory differences that may influence this shift. It compares the hierarchical structure of legislation, regulatory oversight bodies, and classification procedures, particularly for emerging technologies like artificial intelligence (AI). For instance, while Europe’s decentralised system of notified bodies offers developers flexibility, China’s centralised regulatory agencies and more adaptable classification system – alongside the absence of stringent AI-specific regulations like the EU’s AI Act – may present a different set of trade-offs and facilitate faster market entry for innovative technologies. Despite these differences, the paper argues that regulation alone does not fully explain China’s rising attractiveness. Other contributing factors, such as its vast market size, significant government support, and broader R&D policies, must also be considered. The analysis concludes that while regulatory structures are influential, they represent just one component of a multifaceted ecosystem that shapes the global geography of medical device innovation.
Employment testing is a key tool for selection and placement in China’s public and private sectors. Rooted in a tradition of rigorous exams and shaped by modern workforce demands, such testing significantly influences access to job opportunities. Yet concerns about bias and fairness persist, driven by cultural norms, legal structures, and changes in the labor market. This chapter examines key issues related to bias and fairness in Chinese employment testing, exploring historical and cultural contexts, legal regulations, professional standards, and enforcement mechanisms. It also addresses measurement bias, challenges to diversity, and the growing influence of machine learning and advanced psychometrics in assessment design. By analyzing these dimensions, the chapter offers a comprehensive view of current challenges and highlights opportunities to improve equity in hiring practices. The discussion provides insights for employers, policymakers, and researchers navigating the complexities of employment testing in China.
During the era of détente, Soviet and US leaders pursued common interests in controlling the spread of nuclear weapons, limiting the cost of the arms race, and expanding trade. Summit meetings brought agreements on nuclear non-proliferation, arms limitation, and space exploration. Yet, after a high point of friendly negotiation in the early 1970s, friction and competition overshadowed cooperation. While the unraveling of détente has often been blamed on Soviet adventurism in the “Third World,” this chapter presents a more balanced explanation. It notes that the United States too intervened around the world, argues that geopolitical competition was not the sole cause of tension, and highlights how domestic political dynamics disrupted relations between the superpowers. After the divisive and destructive US war in Vietnam, many Americans yearned to recover faith in their moral superiority. Denunciations of Soviet human rights violations, including restrictions on Jewish emigration and repression of dissidents, contributed to a revival of confidence in American virtues while irritating Soviet leaders. Long before the USSR invaded Afghanistan in 1979, acrimony eclipsed partnership.
Brazil partnered with China to foster industrial and technological progress, and to increase autonomy and prestige. The outcome, however, has been de-industrialisation and increased dependency. Nevertheless, the perception persists that Brazil is rising alongside China towards a post-hegemonic, multipolar world. We argue this can be understood through the deep-rooted embedded-autonomy narrative that shapes Brazil’s approach to the world. This positions the United States as the primary obstacle to national goals and China as part of the solution. Brazil reached out in solidarity to China, expecting outsized material and ontological security gains. This outsourcing of anti-dependency played a key role in Brazil’s accommodation of China’s preferences, locking in path dependency. By seriously considering the ideas guiding Brazil’s foreign policy, we examine how the trajectory of Sino-Brazilian relations was sustained despite the apparent mismatch between goals and outcomes.
In the global waste trade, importers buy containers of waste and scrap to meet demand for raw materials, especially in the Global South. But post-processing leftovers generate localized negative externalities. I use the waste trade as a setting to establish that low-capacity states can and do use tariffs as a tool in their environmental policy repertoire. Product-level tariffs can serve as Pigouvian ’sin’ taxes that incentivize private market actors to limit transactions and/or increase state revenue, both channels that can result in improved environmental outcomes. For evidence, I leverage the ‘China garbage shock’: in 2017 China banned imports of twenty-six waste products (HS six-digit), which disrupted economic–environmental trade-offs in other, newly competitive markets awash in diverted imports. Using novel data on 179 traded waste products and product-level tariffs (1996–2020), I demonstrate that those that received the shock raised tariffs in ways consistent with environmental protection.
What is the status and practice of US foreign relations history in China? The author observes that scholars in the field have not experienced the kind of self-examination and self-criticism that American (and other) scholars undertook during the 1980s and 1990s. Although Chinese historians today participate in global historiographical trends, the field, in his view, remains too much in a neopositivist mode.
This chapter examines the evolution of China’s innovation system over the past thirty-five years, detailing how government policies, R&D investment, and strategic international engagement have spurred a remarkable surge in patent activity and technological advancement. It outlines the transition from a weak, planned economy to one where domestic enterprises dominate innovation, emphasizing the shift from quantity-focused utility model patents to an increasing quality of invention patents. The analysis highlights the role of FDI and regional dynamics in boosting local innovation while comparing domestic and foreign patenting trends. Key external challenges are discussed, including the impacts of the Belt and Road Initiative, the Sino-US trade war and technology decoupling, and the disruptions caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. Looking forward, the chapter proposes future directions in sectors such as electric vehicle batteries, semiconductors, and digital startups, stressing that achieving sustained independent innovation will require enhanced basic research, collaborative international efforts, and a move beyond reliance on government policy alone.
Excavations at Aketala reveal traces of human activity at the oases of the western Tarim Basin, north-western China, by at least 2200 BC. The recovered artefacts indicate that, by 1800 BC, the Andronovo culture had reached this region, bringing agropastoralism and developing the earliest regional evidence of bronze manufacturing techniques.
This article is a case study of the Kasarani Stadium in Kenya as a heuristic through which to understand President Daniel Arap Moi’s political style and priorities during the first decade of his regime. Drawing primarily from national and international newspapers, the archives of national and international sporting organizations and associations, records of the Kenyan government and biographies of Moi, I explore how Moi gave political meaning to sport to advance his populist politics at home and project Kenya on(to) the international stage. At home, he used sports to define himself as a leader of the ordinary mwananchi (citizen), in touch with the experiences, challenges, and visions of the common Kenyan. Internationally, he used sports to chart Kenya’s foreign policy and fashion himself as an international political personality. The article concludes that the study of sports and sporting infrastructure offers a productive way to write social, political, and cultural histories of postcolonial Africa.
The digital transformation of Chinese companies offers a new frontier for organizational research. Widespread use of workplace platforms creates rich archives of unobtrusive data, providing continuous, real-time insights into organizational life that traditional surveys cannot capture. The central challenge for scholars is turning this data abundance into meaningful theory. This special issue highlights three studies that meet this challenge by using innovative methods to convert granular data into valuable knowledge. The papers employ digital-context experiments, real-time behavioral tracking, and machine-learning-assisted theory building to study phenomena from interpersonal dynamics to crisis productivity. Looking ahead, we explore the potential of unstructured multimodal data and new AI tools to make complex analysis more accessible. We conclude with a research agenda calling for methodological rigor, interdisciplinary collaboration, and a firm balance between technological innovation and theoretical depth.
Chapter 5 delves into the ADR movement both globally and in China. Through an interdisciplinary methodology and fieldwork, it details how the policy of ‘persisting and developing the Fengqiao Experience’ is transmitted from the central government to the grassroots level. The chapter provides an in-depth analysis of how grassroots communities and judicial organisations in China implement central policies, innovate based on practical conditions and adapt pragmatically. It highlights the local characteristics of dispute resolution and the challenges faced by macro-level policies in addressing significant regional socioeconomic disparities in China.
Chapter 10 provides a comprehensive overview of the challenges posed by rapid urbanisation in China and its impact on urban stormwater management. The chapter introduces the “Sponge City” initiative, whose implementation started by the Chinese government in 2013, as a strategic response to address these challenges. Drawing inspiration from low impact development (LID) and best management practices (BMPs), the Sponge City concept represents a paradigm shift from conventional rapid draining to a more sustainable and flexible stormwater management approach. The authors discuss the key concepts, implementation strategies and technical guidelines for Sponge City construction, supported by case studies from pilot cities such as Shenzhen, Tianjin and Xi’an. The Sponge City initiative reflects a harmonious blend of ancient Chinese wisdom and modern Western stormwater management concepts, offering a promising solution for sustainable urban development in the face of rapid urbanisation in China.
Rural schools in China have long been in a state of underdevelopment. Studies have mainly addressed this issue from the perspective of rural–urban structural inequality, while neglecting the cultural processes that lead to inequality reproduction. Through the lens of cultural production, this study analyses qualitative data gathered in Gongshui county in central China, revealing how rural teachers and parents construct a negative perception of rural schools, evoked by devalued meanings associated with schools’ physical appearance, teaching staff characteristics and academic performance. Influenced by the discourse on rural inferiority, teachers and parents have cultivated a collective identity of becoming “less” rural and adopt strategies to disassociate themselves from rural education and community. Their cultural production of “bad” rural schools perpetuates and reinforces the underdevelopment of rural schools. This study draws attention to the cultural misconceptions surrounding rurality and the cultural processes by which educational inequalities are produced and reproduced in rural areas, both in China and globally.
This paper provides a historiographical periodization of China’s Long 1980s (1978–1992) by conceptualizing its political and intellectual contexts and illustrating the reformism–conservatism dichotomy across key events throughout this period. The identification of China’s Long 1980s not only illuminates China’s policy trajectories and ideological landscape back then and ever since but also enriches the global scholarship of modernity, Marxism and 20th-century communist experiences.
This final chapter extends the discussion to the implications of China’s evolving international energy relations, in turn, on its domestic energy transition, the geopolitical landscape, and global sustainability, including international efforts to combat climate change. It also reflects on the ramifications of energy transitions on the international stage in other countries, specifically Japan and Germany. The chapter concludes with a synthesis of the main findings of the book, providing with an overview of how China’s ongoing transition from fossil fuels to renewables, along with geopolitical shifts, is reshaping its interactions with the global energy sector.
This article explores the role of international law in Hong Kong’s Court of Final Appeal (CFA). The CFA makes extensive use of international and comparative materials, particularly the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). However, it avoids issuing judgments that would clash with Beijing’s core interests and accepts its broad definition of “national security”. This arguably facilitates authoritarian interpretations of the ICCPR and undermines the authority of the Human Rights Committee. Yet, in March of 2025, the CFA granted an appeal and upheld the right to fair trial, emphasizing that the ICCPR continues to enjoy constitutional status in Hong Kong. Moreover, the CFA continues to advance the rights of vulnerable groups, including the LGBT community. The CFA’s contributions to comparative jurisprudence on international human rights law are decidedly mixed. But this is arguably inevitable, given its unusual status as an “apex court” operating in the shadow of Beijing.
The practice of anthropology is based on the ethnographer “being there” in time and space. And the act of writing is the reenactment of “presence” for the reader. “The field” is a romanticized space for empirical exploration. However, technological innovation and connectivity have enabled easy access to new “fieldsites” and vicarious participant-observation without being “present.” The entertainment media ecosystem is now more heterogeneous than ever and is more relevant in everyday life. The depth with which we immerse ourselves in these imaginary worlds speaks volumes about our withdrawal from other forms of engagement with the people, communities, and social problems around us. Romance and fantasy are a means to escape vulnerability and hopelessness, as well as serving as an outlet for the frustrations of failed social mobility. This essay posits that romance is a method for living today, and enjoyment is empiricism for a public anthropology. Romance is more than a genre; it is a guide to understanding how society functions. There is something deeply human about living through our imaginations to escape our present. Enjoying romance as a method to engage with the world offers insight into political infrastructures, social hierarchies, and elite intrigue. Life is full of afflictions, and romance is more than a salve; it offers a strategy for navigating social relations.