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Proton has been a vital part of Malaysia's industrialization journey and a key pillar of its modernization drive. Launched in 1983 to fulfil then Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad's vision of a pride-infused national car company, the state-owned Proton grew quickly and captured a dominant share of the country's domestic car market, aided in no small measure by generous protective measures and subsidies. However, in the subsequent decades, the car giant lost market share and power due to a variety of challenges, such as non-market performance requirements, less effective protection, and growing competition from a second national car firm and from global car companies. The automaker has had a variety of ownership structures over time, but was resolutely kept in domestic hands - public and private. This did increase control over the corporation, but did so at the expense of exposure to and adoption of leading-edge technology. This impasse was resolved in 2017, when Proton sold a 49.9 per cent share to the Chinese auto firm Geely. The joint venture has rejuvenated the carmaker, which has begun to reconquer market share through a number of popular SUVs. Despite this, the Malaysian auto market is becoming increasingly competitive. Going forward, Proton will need to begin to export significantly to expose its vehicles to new niche markets as well as global standards, obtain and retain skilled workers, and continue to rationalize costs in its supply chains and distributorships.
Peatland ecosystems in Southeast Asia are globally important as carbon sinks, rich in terrestrial and aquatic fauna and flora, and important sources of livelihood for local communities. However, agribusiness-driven land-use change and drainage cause peatland degradation and peat fires, which generate 'haze' air pollution and lead to significant economic losses and health impacts. Disturbed peatlands also become substantial sources of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. While the problems of haze and climate change are connected through peatlands, these issues have been treated largely separately in policy and governance. We provide an overview of Southeast Asian peatlands, assessing opportunities and challenges for greater integration of policy and governance in addressing haze, climate change and other sustainability dimensions. We focus on Indonesia and Malaysia, the Southeast Asian countries with the largest peatland areas.
We summarize key developments, along with evidence indicating that peatlands represent a large proportion of national GHG emissions in both Indonesia and Malaysia. We trace the evolution of peatland policies at the national and regional levels, from focusing on conservation to addressing fire and haze issues, reflecting their complex relationship with national development and the corporate sector. We found that for these two key countries, the most recent government-reported peatland emissions appear somewhat lower than is suggested by academic studies for Indonesia and substantially lower in the case of Malaysia. We emphasize the complex challenge of integrating policies across multiple scales and issues, with international, regional and national actors, and in multiple industries, all active in peatland governance.
As digital platforms continue to evolve, youths increasingly employ social media, online forums, and digital campaigns to advocate for social and political change. While this phenomenon is often considered disparagingly as slacktivism, recent studies find that individuals engaging in digital activism often also participate in other conventional forms of activism.
Despite a surge in youth activism across Southeast Asian countries, comparative analysis in this region remains scarce. Using data from the World Values Survey of several studies, and case studies on Indonesia, this article examines the extent to which online political activism serves as a catalyst for mobilization, awareness and community building among young people in Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand and the Philippines. Additionally, it examines the interplay between online and offline political activism and its impact on traditional forms of activism.
The study argues for a reciprocal relationship between online and offline political activism, particularly noting the potential for digital efforts to influence real-world action, especially on cohesive issues such as corruption.
There is an increasing trend among young Malay voters in Malaysia to support the Perikatan Nasional coalition, with a particular emphasis on the Islamist party PAS. Despite recognition of the weak economy as a significant national concern, young Malay voters continue to place a higher emphasis on Muslim leaders who assert their commitment to safeguarding the rights of Islam in Malaysia. Consistent with theories on political socialization, the influence of family members significantly affects young Malay voters in Malaysia, particularly due to their limited political awareness of alternative channels like formal schooling.
Young Malay voters acknowledge the significant impact of social media and TikTok, particularly in how these shape the voting patterns of their peers. They nevertheless maintain a perception of their own impartiality in this regard. Interestingly, the influence of Islamic institutions, with their own educational philosophy, on the political behaviour of Malay youth is minimal, as their political ideas are already shaped by their early experiences.
Following the formation of the Unity Government in December 2022, two of its component coalitions, Pakatan Harapan (PH) and Barisan Nasional (BN), jointly campaigned during the state government elections held in August 2023. A key question arising from this cooperation between PH and the BN lead party, the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), was the extent to which it would strengthen the appeal of both coalitions, especially among Malay voters. This ‘Trends in Southeast Asia’ finds that, contrary to expectations, DAP actually gained voter support from campaigning with UMNO. DAP would probably still have won at least forty-one of these state seats without transferring BN/UMNO votes, but working with UMNO allowed the DAP to win by comfortable margins some of what would usually be marginal seats for the party. DAP gained the largest transfer of Malay votes from older voters who show stronger allegiance to BN. These findings show that UMNO's grassroots outreach is still somewhat effective among older voters but much less so among younger voters. Clearly, more of the Malay votes that previously supported the BN went to the Perikatan Nasional (PN) than to PH. The calculations in this article show that four out of five Malay voters who previously supported BN in these seats voted for PN in the 2023 state elections. Going forward, the DAP's stranglehold over these seats may well become weaker, due to demographic changes, and if turnout and support for PH and the DAP should decrease among non-Malay voters.
Malaysia's support for Palestinian independence has always been based on religion. Historically, Malaysia has had warm relations with Palestinian leaders including the Palestine Liberation Organization - during Hussein Onn's and Mahathir Mohamad's administrations - and Hamas since Najib Razak's administration. However, Malaysia's support is not just based on their affinity to Palestinians as fellow Muslims but is also a matter of domestic politics. Support for Palestine has been used as a political tool for various quarters to prove that they are more Islamic than the other.
Malaysia is now led by Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, a former student leader who rose to prominence in the 1970s for his activism on issues regarding the Muslim ummah, including Palestinian independence. Over the years, Anwar has demonstrated consistency in his support for Palestinians, and this has especially been the case since the outbreak of Israeli aggression against Gaza which began on 7 October 2023. As a result, Malaysia has gained global prominence for its aggressive stand against Israel. Thus, this paper discusses the Malaysian government's responses to issues pertaining to Palestine over the years. In doing so, it illustrates that while Islam has been a crucial rallying point in supporting the rights and independence of the Palestinians, it is also arguable that Malaysia's foreign policy outlook is also influenced by domestic politics and the need for the government of the day to maintain its support from the Muslim voter base.
Myanmar's economic trajectory has shifted across various governmental regimes, transitioning from socialist to democratic systems and from planned to market economy structures. The economic policies implemented by successive governments often lacked coherence and were characterized by ad hoc measures aimed at short-term solutions rather than addressing underlying issues.
Policymakers since 1989 have endeavoured to guide Myanmar towards a market-oriented economy, characterized by what could be termed the 'Burmese/Myanmar Way to Market Economy', which includes significant restrictions and controls. Both the military-backed Union Solidarity Development Party (USDP) and civilian-led National League for Democracy (NLD) administrations made significant efforts to enhance liberalization and strengthen market economic principles, despite multidimensional challenges including inadequate capacities for policy formulation and over-reliance on past domestic experiences rather than international lessons. All these reforms and economic pillars, established through intellect and hard work to ensure liberalization and a market economy, collapsed under the State Administration Council regime following the military coup of 1 February 2021.
Effective policy formulation and implementation are pivotal for Myanmar's economic trajectory, and policymakers must navigate historical practices and global standards with discernment, fostering policies that promote transparency, accountability, and inclusivity while adapting to feedback and interconnected economic realities.
Amid political polarization, knowledge and understanding of Thailand's history have also diverged radically. This divide is especially evident between younger and older generations. Driving this phenomenon is the growing rejection by students of the traditional history taught in public schools, which in the past had been a means for the Thai state to instill in the young a sense of nationalism, national pride and shared values. Poor pedagogy that emphasizes memorization, and that discourages discussions and critical thinking, has alienated many from the subject. Education professionals and student activists have also been critical of this development. Moreover, the democratization of information and the availability of alternative sources of historical knowledge have allowed young people to learn about history in ways that challenge the traditional narratives taught in classrooms. The alternative sources include social media, websites by historians and enthusiasts, as well as books printed by independent publishers. Young people have also begun to engage with history in new ways. They have organized themselves to commemorate aspects of history overlooked in school textbooks and have used history to legitimize their political activism. This diverging understanding and engagement with history has two main consequences. First, political polarization can deepen, with different sides utilizing their versions of history as legitimization for their political views. Second, it will be harder for the Thai state to instill communal values and a basic understanding of the nation among young people, which can have implications for the building of a shared Thai identity in the future.
ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) building is a long journey. For continued relevance and impact, the AEC must remain dynamic while taking into consideration evolving contexts and emerging opportunities and challenges. Notable progress has been made under the two AEC Blueprints (2015 and 2025), particularly in laying down the frameworks for regional economic integration and community building. Nonetheless, gaps remain in implementation, calling for a more streamlined but result-oriented agenda and stronger institutional coordination. Today, the AEC is faced with a markedly different context and unprecedented challenges resulting from a poly-crisis, involving geo-economic fragmentation, supply chain restructuring, and climactic changes. Without adjustment, ASEAN's pillar and sector-centric approach can be expected to fall short in effectively responding to these challenges. As AEC 2025 enters its final quarter, ASEAN needs to recalibrate its priorities. It also increasingly needs to take a whole-of-community approach to integration, as issues and their solutions are spread across multiple sectors. Furthermore, as it develops the AEC Post-2025 agenda, it needs to strike a balance between ambition and pragmatism, and to support substance with institutions and processes.
Humanitarian Islam refers to the efforts of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) to promote peaceful coexistence among people of different faiths in the world, with a focus on rahmah (universal love and compassion). The main vehicles for promoting Humanitarian Islam have been North Carolina-registered non-governmental organizations (NGOs), namely Bayt ar-Rahmah (Home of the Divine Grace) and the Center for Shared Civilizational Values. Key advocates of this campaign include current NU chairman Yahya Cholil Staquf and North Carolina native Holland Taylor. The Humanitarian Islam message promoted under Yahya Cholil Staquf's leadership goes back to the philosophy of Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) and NU's promotion of Islam Nusantara under Said Aqil Siroj's chairmanship. It focuses on recontextualizing orthodox religious teachings through the establishment of various inter- and intra-religious partnerships globally. NU and Bayt ar-Rahmah leaders have witnessed early-stage successes in promoting the Humanitarian Islam vision to forge ties with other large religious organizations across the world such as the Imam Warith Deen Muhammad (IWDM) community and World Evangelical Alliance through utilizing universal vocabularies such as indigeneity, human dignity and humanitarian Islam. However, precisely owing to the broad, catch-all nature of this concept, NU faces, among others, three communications-related challenges in implementing the Humanitarian Islam concept - within NU, among the grassroots, and with its partners. Ethnographic work and interviews with NU leaders, Gerakan Pemuda Ansor members, NU's partners and the grassroots reveal that the vision suffers from a lack of clarity and buy-in beyond a select few leaders.
Oil palm was brought to Malaysia from West Africa as part of British colonial agricultural development initiatives, but the refining of crude palm oil only began in the 1970s as part of the move by the Malaysian government to industrialize the country's agrarian economy. Malaysia is the world's second-largest producer of palm oil, after Indonesia. Both countries account for about 85 per cent of total exports. Incidentally, smallholders produce about 40 per cent of the total output of palm oil in Malaysia. The palm oil industry is mired in controversy. Global campaigns originating in Europe and the US have branded the crop the biggest cause of deforestation, with proposed bans to follow in December 2024. Certification has been proposed as the solution to address gaps in sustainability. Sabah is used as an illustrative case study of an effective approach for statewide certification using both the Malaysian Sustainable Palm Oil (MSPO) and Roundtable for Sustainable Palm Oil (RSPO) schemes.
Andrew Selth has been watching Myanmar for fifty years. During this time, he has published ten books and more than four hundred other works about the country. In 2020, he released a collection of almost one hundred articles that had been posted on the Lowy Institute's Interpreter website. This second anthology brings together another seventy-two articles, written for a range of outlets between 2007 and 2023. This period saw the installation of a 'disciplined democracy' under Aung San Suu Kyi, the 2021 military coup, and the country's descent into a bitter civil war. Many of the articles in the book deal with international relations and security issues, but there are also works on Myanmar's history, politics and culture, as well as some personal reminiscences. Together, they make a unique contribution from an Old Myanmar Hand with wide ranging interests and insights.
Southeast Asian Affairs, produced since 1974, is an annual review of significant trends and developments in the region. The emphasis is on ASEAN countries but important developments in the broader Asia-Pacific region are not ignored. The publication seeks to provide readable and easily understood analyses of major political, strategic, economic and social developments within the region.
'The Covid-19 pandemic was unprecedented in its impact and repercussions which are still being felt today. The Southeast Asian region is no exception with the loss of hundreds of thousands of lives, economic contraction, and increased poverty. The impact varied across the region. Some countries were more effective than others at implementing lockdowns and delivering public health interventions. Pandemic responses were also differentiated by the efficacy of communication, policy coordination, and leadership. Policy evaluations have highlighted the need to improve institutional capacity as well as global and regional cooperation to respond to future public health crises. This timely and crucial volume, authored by leading regional scholars, thoroughly explores these issues and more. It is indispensable reading for anyone interested in Southeast Asia and broader international development challenges.' Mari Pangestu, Managing Director of Development Policy and Partnerships, World Bank (2020–23) and Former Minister of Trade and Minister of Tourism and Creative Economy, Indonesia.
Rodrigo Duterte's rise and the Marcoses' return to power have captivated Southeast Asia watchers and the rest of the world. That the spectacle of strongman rule has allured most Filipinos is no longer in doubt, with the strong electoral mandate garnered by Ferdinand Marcos Jr in 2022. Whether their capture of state power is in any way connected and what this portends about the country's democratic future is a key theme marking Games, Changes, and Fears. In this volume, Filipino academics and practitioners provide much needed analysis about this political succession and what it means for Asia's oldest republic. Packed with thirteen chapters depicting insightful trends and prognosis on the Philippine economy, domestic politics, foreign policy, and society, this volume offers scholars, students, and policymakers with the analytical repertoire to understand developments in the Philippines. Overall, the chapters suggest that while some policies and practices continue under the Marcos Jr. administration, there have been pivotal changes indicating a break from the past. The chapters offer key policy recommendations critical in recalibrating Philippine political, economic, and social conditions that could address democratic backsliding, economic challenges, and societal polarization.
'By examining the political discourse and social interactions that occur within six different political communities in Malaysia, this volume sheds light on how theories of political communication and social media play out on a granular level. Malaysia, with its interesting amalgam of democratic politics and intractable racial and religious divides, is ripe for a study of how online communication within different political and social groups actually works. With chapters on Malay, Islamic, Chinese, Indian, and Christian online communities, along with those of Sabah and Sarawak, this volume will be of interest to anyone seeking a deeper understanding of how political interaction and digital discourse function on the ground in this important country in Southeast Asia.' Janet Steele, Professor of Media and Public Affairs and International Affairs, George Washington University.
Indonesia, the Philippines and Vietnam, the three most populous countries in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), account for almost 500 million people or three-quarters of the bloc's total population. Despite this, the three countries account for disproportionally less of the region's gross domestic product (GDP), less than two-thirds, reflecting the fact that they are home to the majority of the region's poor and near-poor. In terms of the level of economic and social development, Indonesia, the Philippines and Vietnam sit between ASEAN's least developed countries—Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar—and its richer upper-middle-income and high-income countries. However, they share many of the challenges and constraints faced by Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar in managing the pandemic, albeit perhaps in less severe and constraining ways. That is, like Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar they had to manage the pandemic with limited government resources and a weak healthcare system with limited and unequal access. They also had to deal with inadequate logistical and other infrastructure that affected the management of mobility restrictions and the distribution of financial assistance and vaccines.
Although Indonesia, the Philippines and Vietnam share many economic and social characteristics, each employed a different approach to managing the pandemic at its various stages. Not surprisingly, therefore, each experienced varying degrees of success in managing health and economic impacts. The chapter authors for each country have examined the different approaches taken, the reasons behind the approach and the consequences on health and economic outcomes, drawing lessons for the management of future pandemics.