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15726 results in ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute

Page 174 of 787

  • Foreword

  • Serina Rahman
  • Book:
    Developing Eastern Johor
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    25 August 2018
    Print publication:
    10 July 2018, pp v-vi

  • Summary

    The economic, political, strategic and cultural dynamism in Southeast Asia has gained added relevance in recent years with the spectacular rise of giant economies in East and South Asia. This has drawn greater attention to the region and to the enhanced role it now plays in international relations and global economics.

    The sustained effort made by Southeast Asian nations since 1967 towards a peaceful and gradual integration of their economies has had indubitable success, and perhaps as a consequence of this, most of these countries are undergoing deep political and social changes domestically and are constructing innovative solutions to meet new international challenges. Big Power tensions continue to be played out in the neighbourhood despite the tradition of neutrality exercised by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

    The Trends in Southeast Asia series acts as a platform for serious analyses by selected authors who are experts in their fields. It is aimed at encouraging policymakers and scholars to contemplate the diversity and dynamism of this exciting region.

  • State Formation in Riau Islands Province

  • Mulya Amri, Faizal Rianto
  • Book:
    State Formation in Riau Islands Province
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    25 August 2018
    Print publication:
    10 July 2018, pp 1-36

  • Summary

    Introduction

    The formation of Riau Islands as Indonesia's 32nd province in 2002 should be seen as part of a broader trend that saw the creation of new subnational government entities — seven provinces and 112 districts in total — throughout the country after the end of the New Order era (Tirtosudarmo 2008; Kimura 2013). This can be considered as a rational response from the peripheries against decades of centralization of wealth and power in Jakarta that culminated in the late 1990s (Emmerson 2000; Mietzner 2014; Malley 1999). At the same time, the desire to form a separate Riau Islands Province (henceforth RIP) should also be understood through local cultural and historical circumstances that are unique to the region. These include a shared history of being torchbearers of the great Malay maritime empires and civilization that dominated the local seas before the arrival of European explorers and colonizers (Trocki 2007; Killingray, Lincoln and Rigby 2004; Long 2013).

    This combination of both rational interests and cultural sentiments was argued to have motivated numerous subnational separatist movements in South Asia, such as in Assam, Kashmir, and Punjab (Mitra 1995). In Indonesia, some subnational movements were indeed separatist in nature, as in the cases of Aceh, Papua, (mainland) Riau, and East Timor. In contrast to these, however, the goal of subnationalism in Riau Islands was not separatism but broad autonomy under the context of decentralization. Still, in line with Mitra's (1995) thesis, we argue that both rational interest and cultural sentiments were the main motivations for establishing RIP in 2002 and these are still relevant for understanding much of the political dynamics taking place in the province fifteen years later.

    This Trends describes “state formation” in RIP. We acknowledge the definition of the state as adopted by Ruggie (1993), which is essentially that it is an institution with legitimacy to exercise power over territorial space. But in this case, we also refer to the state as an autonomous government entity that may not be necessarily independent, such as a state in a federal country, or a province in decentralized Indonesia. Following Costantini (2015, p. 24) we define state formation as “the process by which a state forms and evolves as a result of agents engaging in a struggle for power that leads to the creation and transformation of the sites of authority”.

  • State Formation in Riau Islands Province

  • Mulya Amri, Faizal Rianto
  • Book:
    State Formation in Riau Islands Province
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    25 August 2018
    Print publication:
    10 July 2018, pp vii-viii

  • Summary

    Executive Summary

  • • The formation of the Riau Islands Province (RIP) in 2002 is argued to be part of a broader trend of pemekaran (blossoming) that saw the creation of seven new provinces and more than 100 new districts throughout Indonesia after the fall of the New Order.

  • • This article argues that the main motivation for these subnational movements was a combination of rational interests and cultural sentiments.

  • • In the case of RIP, rational interests involved struggles over unfair distribution of power and resources, including the way development under the control of (mainland) Riau Province had been detrimental to the peripheral and archipelagic people of Riau Islands.

  • • Cultural sentiments also played an important role, as the people of the Riau Islands considered themselves as “archipelagic Malays” and heirs of the great Malay-maritime empires of the past, as opposed to “mainland Malays” who were mostly farmers.

  • • Since becoming its own province, RIP has been performing well and has surpassed Riau, the “parent” province, in multiple aspects including human development, poverty alleviation, and government administration.

  • • Ultimately, the formation of RIP is argued to be a natural process in a large, diverse, and decentralizing country like Indonesia, where cultural identities are being reasserted and local autonomies re-negotiated.

  • • Despite the usual hiccups such as capacity gaps and corruption, the formation of the Province has been positive in achieving a balance between keeping the country intact while allowing local stakeholders a substantial level of autonomy.

  • Developing Eastern Johor: The Pengerang Integrated Petroleum Complex

  • Serina Rahman
  • Book:
    Developing Eastern Johor
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    25 August 2018
    Print publication:
    10 July 2018, pp vii-viii

  • Summary

    Executive Summary

  • • The Pengerang Integrated Petroleum Complex (PIPC) is a huge development that has emerged on the east coast of Johor. Comprising Petronas’ largest refinery facility and numerous ancillary and supporting industrial areas, it is pegged to diversify Malaysia's petrochemical industry and reap the benefits of the area's fortunate position on international maritime trade routes.

  • • While initial responses to the PIPC development were of concern for Singapore's oil and gas business, the island-nation's long reputation and position in the industry means that the PIPC has some steep learning curves to traverse before coming on par with its southerly neighbour. However, the PIPC is likely to provide a solution to Singapore's limitations in terms of costly services and limited land space. It may also rejuvenate an industry now seen by some SMEs to be somewhat stagnant.

  • • While there are myriad global trends that may inhibit the complete success of the PIPC, it seems to be well placed to provide economic spillover benefits for Johor and Malaysia. Even if it does not become a top regional player, it will be able to meet local demands for Euro 5 quality products.

  • • The PIPC received a boost with Saudi Aramco's commitment to invest in the Refinery and Petrochemical Integrated Development (RAPID) project. More investments may come on board when the refinery begins operations in 2019.

  • • A full assessment of PIPC's success or failure can be conducted once other announced developments are completed and full operations begin.

Services Liberalization in ASEAN
  • Foreign Direct Investment in Logistics
  • Edited by Siew Yean Tham, Sanchita Basu Das
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    04 July 2018
    Print publication:
    14 November 2017
  • The services sector plays an important role in ASEAN economies as it accounts for about half of the region's GDP and more than 45 per cent of its total employment. ASEAN aspires to deepen integration in the services sector in order to enhance the sector's contribution to economic development and growth in each country. Despite this, services liberalization has progressed slowly compared to goods liberalization both at the multilateral and the regional levels. Different regulatory mechanisms across countries have contributed to the slow pace of liberalization. Logistics is an important industry in the services sector. The integration of logistics is important for deepening economic integration in ASEAN as it facilitates the movement of goods, services and people within and across countries, among producers and from producers to consumers. In view of its importance, ASEAN has identified logistics as one of its priority integration sectors. It has also developed a Connectivity Master Plan and a Strategic Transport Plan, where logistics plays an important role. This book examines the current state of services liberalization in the ten ASEAN economies. It also assesses the FDI enabling environment and the extent of FDI liberalization in the logistics sector as well as the liberalization challenges encountered in each of the ASEAN economies. The book, thus, provides a comparative picture of services liberalization as well as the state of logistics liberalization and development in each of the ten ASEAN member countries. All these have important bearings on deepening ASEAN economic integration for 2025 and beyond.

Pentecostal Megachurches in Southeast Asia
  • Negotiating Class, Consumption and the Nation
  • Edited by Terence Chong
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    04 July 2018
    Print publication:
    06 March 2018
  • Charismatic pastors, fast-paced worship sessions, inspirational but shallow theology, and large congregations — these are just some of the associated traits of Pentecostal megachurches. But what lies beneath the veneer of glitz? What are their congregations like? How did they grow so quickly? How have they managed to negotiate local and transnational challenges? This book seeks to understand the growth and popularity of independent Pentecostal megachurches in Southeast Asia. Using an ethnographic approach, the chapters examine Pentecostal megachurches in Malaysia, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Singapore. Each chapter dwells on the development of the megachurch set against the specific background of the country's politics and history.

Records, Recoveries, Remnants and Inter-Asian Interconnections
  • Decoding Cultural Heritage
  • Edited by Anjana Sharma
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    04 July 2018
    Print publication:
    28 February 2018
  • Records, Recoveries, Remnants and Inter-Asian Interconnections: Decoding Cultural Heritage has its conceptual core in the inter-regional networks of Nalanda Mahavihara and its unique place in the Asian imaginary. The revival of Nalanda university in 2010 as a symbol of a shared inter-Asian heritage is this collection's core narrative. The multidisciplinary essays interrogate ways in which ideas, objects, texts, and travellers have shaped — and in turn have been shaped by — changing global politics and the historical imperative that underpins them. The question of what constitutes cultural authenticity and heritage valuation is inscribed from positions that support, negate, or reframe existing discourses with reference to Southeast and East Asia. The essays in this collection offer critical, scholarly, and nuanced views on the vexed questions of regional and inter-regional dynamics, of racial politics and their flattening hegemonic discourses in relation to the rich tangible and intangible heritage that defines an interconnected Asia.

Vietnam's Foreign Policy under Doi Moi
  • Edited by Hong Hiep Le, Anton Tsvetov
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    04 July 2018
    Print publication:
    19 March 2018
  • In 1986, the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) adopted the Doi Moi (Renovation) policy at its sixth national congress, opening up a new chapter in the country's modern history. Under Doi Moi, Vietnam has undergone significant socio-economic, political and foreign policy reforms that have transformed the country in many meaningful ways. This edited volume aims to provide an in-depth analysis of the multiple aspects and transformations of Vietnam's foreign policy over the past thirty years. The book is divided into three sections. The first covers the broader framework of Vietnam's foreign policy making and the historical evolution of Vietnam's diplomacy under Doi Moi. The second examines Vietnam's bilateral relationships with its major partners, namely the United States, China, Japan, India, Russia, its smaller neighbours (Cambodia and Laos), and ASEAN. Finally, the book looks into two major issues in Vietnam's current foreign policy: the management of the South China Sea disputes and the international economic integration process. As the most informative, updated and comprehensive volume on Vietnam's foreign policy under Doi Moi, the book is a useful reference for academics, policymakers and students, as well as anyone interested in contemporary Vietnam in general and its foreign policy in particular.

In China's Backyard
  • Policies and Politics of Chinese Resource Investments in Southeast Asia
  • Edited by Jason Morris-Jung
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    04 July 2018
    Print publication:
    13 December 2017
  • In this multi-disciplinary and multi-sited volume, the authors challenge reductionist and oversimplifying approaches to understanding China's engagement with Southeast Asia. Productively viewing these interactions through a "resource lens", the editor has transcended disciplinary and area studies divides in order to assemble a dynamic and diverse group of scholars with extensive experience across Southeast Asia and in China, all while bringing together perspectives from resource economics, policy analysis, international relations, human geography, political ecology, history, sociology and anthropology. The result is an important collection that not only offers empirically detailed studies of Chinese energy and resource investments in Southeast Asia, but which attends to the complex and often ambivalent ways in which such investments have become both a source of anxiety and aspiration for different stakeholders in the region.

Tradition and Islamic Learning
  • Singapore Students in the Al-Azhar University
  • Norshahril Saat
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    04 July 2018
    Print publication:
    19 March 2018
  • The Al-Azhar University remains the top destination for Southeast Asian students pursuing an Islamic studies degree. The university, built in the last millennium, has been able to withstand competition from modern universities across the globe and continues to produce influential Islamic studies graduates. What are the motivations of students pursuing a degree at Al-Azhar? What are the challenges they face? Are they certain of their future and career opportunities upon their return to Singapore? This book combines both qualitative and quantitative analysis of former and current students at the Al-Azhar University. It not only hopes to develop more critical analysis of returning Al-Azhar graduates but also attempts to understand the deeper connections between Muslims in Southeast Asia, particularly Singapore, and the Middle East.

Traces of the Ramayana and Mahabharata in Javanese and Malay Literature
  • Edited by Choo Ming Ding, Willem van der Molen
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    04 July 2018
    Print publication:
    15 March 2018
  • Local renderings of the two Indian epics Ramayana and Mahabharata in Malay and Javanese literature have existed since around the ninth and tenth centuries. In the following centuries new versions were created alongside the old ones, and these opened up interesting new directions. They questioned the views of previous versions and laid different accents, in a continuous process of modernization and adaptation, successfully satisfying the curiosity of their audiences for more than a thousand years.Much of this history is still unclear. For a long time, scholarly research made little progress, due to its preoccupation with problems of origin. The present volume, going beyond identifying sources, analyses the socio-literary contexts and ideological foundations of seemingly similar contents and concepts in different periods; it examines the literary functions of borrowing and intertextual referencing, and calls upon the visual arts to illustrate the independent character of the epic tradition in Southeast Asia.

  • 1 - Introduction

  • Edited by Siwage Dharma Negara, Deasy Simandjuntak, Ulla Fionna
  • Book:
    Aspirations with Limitations
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    08 June 2019
    Print publication:
    29 June 2018, pp 1-13

  • Summary

    As the first directly elected Indonesian president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) served at a crucial juncture in Indonesia's history. Succeeding the three short presidencies of BJ Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid and Megawati Sukarnoputri, his presidency had a lot to prove. The initial stage of transition to democracy under these preceding administrations was extremely challenging as state institutions underwent changes, while the elite grappled with the demands from the polity for better governance. The fact that the first three post-reform presidents only served a portion of their terms signifies the uncertainties of a post-authoritarian state and the intense politicking among the political elites. Indeed, succeeding these leaders with a two-term presidency is a testament to SBY's popularity and political flair. With a popularity that was remarkably broad across political parties and demographic groups (Liddle and Mujani 2004, p. 121), much was riding on his first victory in 2004 as voter dissatisfaction towards his predecessor Megawati Sukarnoputri transformed into great hope for his presidency.

    Among SBY's many achievements, top of the list is the strengthening of democratic institutions. SBY did so by maintaining overall political stability, while ensuring certain important milestones such as setting up direct elections for local heads (at the province, district and municipal levels) and strengthening the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK). Overall, he maintained peace and stability, two important conditions for keeping democracy intact and consolidating it. These milestones were particularly important, given that his two-term administration coincided with the country's democratic transition, one of the most crucial periods in Indonesia's history.

    Alongside praise, SBY's government has also attracted criticism over his failure to further Indonesia's progress. Specifically, he was responsible for a period of democratic stagnation in Indonesia (see, for example, Tomsa 2010 and Mietzner 2012). As identified by scholars, some important signals of the push against and pull towards democratic institutionalization were the attempts by the elites to roll back the progress of democracy, on the one hand, and civil society's efforts to maintain the process of democratic institutionalization, on the other. Political freedom also started to deteriorate in his second term, with Freedom House downgrading the country's status from “Free” in 2013 to “Partly Free” in 2014, owing mainly to increasing government control over civil organizations.

  • 2 - Indonesian Foreign Policy: Waging Peace, Stability, and Prosperity

    • By Marty M. Natalegawa, served as Foreign Minister of Indonesia (2009-14), and is, inter alia, a member of the UN Secretary-General High Level Advisory Board on Mediation.
  • Edited by Siwage Dharma Negara, Deasy Simandjuntak, Ulla Fionna
  • Book:
    Aspirations with Limitations
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    08 June 2019
    Print publication:
    29 June 2018, pp 14-32

  • Summary

    I served as foreign minister of the Republic of Indonesia in President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Second United Cabinet between 2009 and 2014. It has been a humbling experience — following in the footsteps of those who have ably served the nation and capping nearly three decades of diplomatic service — one that has indelibly shaped my world view and Indonesia's place within it.

    That world view is one of an Indonesia whose conduct has the capacity to mould the region's affairs, earning it a position of leadership. It is one of an Indonesia that has a proud tradition of constructive activism in global affairs beyond its immediate shores and direct interests. It is of an Indonesia that pursues an independent and active policy — a capacity for independent decision-making in a complex and ever-changing world. It is of an Indonesia that presents itself as a regional power with global interests, a country that can be entrusted to be part of the solution, a bridge-builder for the varied challenges confronting the community of nations. It is of an Indonesia secure in a world of change, pursuing a million friends and zero enemies on the basis of the principles of mutual respect and benefit. And it is an Indonesia confident in the strength of its democracy.

    Foreign Policy in an Interconnected World

    My years implementing and formulating Indonesia's foreign policy rested on the firm belief that, ultimately, Indonesia's foreign policy cannot be divorced from its internal, national setting. We use the term intermestic to describe the inseparability of the international and domestic environments. To successfully navigate the world of the twenty-first century, the choice, indeed, is not between domestic or external priorities; instead, the two must be made to work seamlessly. Strenuous efforts must be made to ensure that there is a mutually reinforcing synergy between the internal and external dynamics. While this has been true throughout Indonesia's history, the linkage between the national and international milieus has become even more pronounced in the contemporary globalized era. The distinctions between the local, national, regional and global levels have become ever more blurred. Indeed, the distinctions between political, economic and social issues have become ever more tenuous.

  • 7 - Law Enforcement, Prevention, and Deradicalization: How SBY Handled Terrorism

    • By Solahudin, researcher at the Indonesia Strategic Policy Institute (ISPI), Jakarta.
  • Edited by Siwage Dharma Negara, Deasy Simandjuntak, Ulla Fionna
  • Book:
    Aspirations with Limitations
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    08 June 2019
    Print publication:
    29 June 2018, pp 136-152

  • Summary

    President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) had to confront a series of terrorist attacks while in office. He built on his experience as coordinating minister for political, legal, and security affairs in the Megawati government (2001–4), when he had to deal with the 2002 Bali bombings and the 2003 bombing of the Marriott Hotel in Jakarta. In his ten years as president (2004–14), Indonesia continued to be plagued by a network of terrorist cells, but the risk of high-casualty attacks receded over time. The SBY government succeeded in managing but not eradicating the terrorism threat, and the decline of terrorist capacity was due to many factors other than government policy. In general, his government did better at rounding up perpetrators once they had committed violence than in preventing radicalization or “immunizing” communities against extremist ideology. This was in part because the police became skilled in crime scene investigation and using sophisticated equipment to track down known suspects. This reactive “hard approach” is almost by definition easier than a proactive “soft approach” of trying to tackle the problem at its roots. But it was also because once an attack had taken place, there was near universal political support for arresting those responsible. Prevention strategies aimed at extremist discussion groups or social media were much more sensitive, and SBY had little appetite for political confrontation. The result was that over his two terms in office, while several hundred suspected terrorists were arrested and over ninety killed in police operations, almost no progress was made on prevention and deradicalization. One consequence was that as a new threat appeared late in SBY's second term in the form of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) terror group, the government had few good tools or people in place to address it.

    The 2002 Bali Bombings: How Counterterrorism Efforts Began

    On Saturday night, 12 October 2002, a one-tonne bomb exploded in two clubs, Sari Club and Paddy's Café. The two clubs, the most popular in the area of Legian, Bali, were totally destroyed. Cars and other vehicles in the area were turned into charred ruins. Windows throughout Legian were shattered and the roofs of cafes and homes flew off. In all, 202 people lost their lives and more than 300 were wounded.

  • 9 - Uneasy Neighbours: Indonesia–Malaysia Relations under Yudhoyono

  • Edited by Siwage Dharma Negara, Deasy Simandjuntak, Ulla Fionna
  • Book:
    Aspirations with Limitations
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    08 June 2019
    Print publication:
    29 June 2018, pp 176-204

  • Summary

    During the presidency of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY), the Indonesia–Malaysia relationship was regarded as one of the most important bilateral relationships in Southeast Asia. This was for two interconnected reasons. First, Indonesia was, and still is, the most populous and powerful nation in the region. Second, given this fact, the bilateral relationship with Indonesia's closest neighbour assumed greater significance than it otherwise would.

    In the SBY era, both states constantly reaffirmed their commitment to the relationship, albeit framed in a slightly different way from past eras. Under previous leaders, much was made of the “sibling” identity shared between Indonesia and Malaysia. This notion was based on geographic proximity and a similar colonial and post-colonial history, underpinned by a shared language, a shared culture and a shared religion. The intimacy of the historical ties, which have been conceptualized in various pan-Malay imaginaries, led to numerous leaders from both countries to refer to the bilateral relationship as one premised on “Malay blood brotherhood” or, more commonly, Malay serumpun, which can be glossed as a shared Malay racial or ethnic stock. Under SBY, however, a more prosaic or pragmatic approach was taken, and thus notions of serumpun were deliberately avoided. Nevertheless, underneath SBY's “realpolitik” style was a deep current of genuine and mutual warmth, stretching back to the colonial era, when the independence activists of both countries worked closely together, teaching and inspiring each other.

    The Indonesia–Malaysia relationship under SBY's watch was built on a firm foundation of years of interaction at all levels of state and society. During the first decade of the twenty-first century, however, which was marked by SBY's presidency, several issues seriously strained bilateral relations. Among these was the strong public reaction in Indonesia to maritime boundary disputes, claims over each country's cultural heritage, the cross-border impact of haze from Indonesian forest fires, and the poor treatment of Indonesian workers in Malaysia. Indonesia's liberal mass media, a capstone of its democratic consolidation progress under SBY, played a key role in inflaming the tensions. In addition to numerous anti-Malaysia columns, editorials and blogs, several semi-journalistic books discussing the bilateral relationship, often in highly inflammatory language, were published.

Page 174 of 787