Critical-Level Utilitarianism entails one of the Repugnant Conclusion and the Sadistic Conclusion, depending on the critical level. Indeterminate Critical-Level Utilitarianism is a version of Critical-Level Utilitarianism where it is indeterminate which well-being level is the critical level. Undistinguished Critical-Range Utilitarianism is a variant of Critical-Level Utilitarianism where additions of lives in a range of well-being between the good and the bad lives make the resulting outcome incomparable to the original outcome. These views avoid the Repugnant Conclusion, they avoid the Sadistic Conclusion, and they agree on all outcome comparisons not involving indeterminacy or incomparability. So it may seem unclear whether we have any reason to favour one of these theories over the other. But I argue that Indeterminate Critical-Level Utilitarianism still entails the disjunction of the Repugnant Conclusion and the Sadistic Conclusion, which is also repugnant. By contrast, Undistinguished Critical-Range Utilitarianism does not entail this conclusion.

Divorce is increasingly common and can have a significant impact on later-life work and retirement. However, the lived experience of choice and control around divorce and its financial ramifications is not adequately understood. This article demonstrates how women and men differentially experience divorce as a long-run lifecourse factor, which can impact an individual’s scope for choice and control about working in later life, and how and when to retire. From a dataset of 47 in-depth interviews of workers aged over 50 in the United Kingdom from the international Dynamics of Accumulated Inequalities for Seniors in Employment project, findings show that the extent of choice and control at the time of divorce was constrained by individual and gendered lifecourse factors, by gendered, asymmetrical access to salient financial information and by emotional responses to relationship breakdown. Drawing on cumulative (dis)advantage over the lifecourse as a theoretical lens, this article demonstrates the ways in which short-term choices reinforce existing gendered and socio-economic (dis)advantage while instigating new pathways for (dis)advantage that have long-term implications for work and retirement.

This paper brings together Lipsky’s street-level bureaucracy framework and the concept of everyday bordering to interrogate mechanisms through which diverse social care professions – working with migrant families – enact and/or resist the UK’s hostile policies towards immigration. We show that, in contexts of mixed welfare provision, and hostile bordering practices, who is an actor in policy implementation is unclear. Instead, we conceptualise that ‘networks of support’ services develop, which are characterised by provision: directly provided by the state; commissioned by the state but delivered by non-governmental organisations (NGOs); and funded by independent bodies and delivered by NGOs. In turn, we theorise that ‘networks of enactment’ and ‘networks of resistance’ develop, whereby practice interactions simultaneously perpetuate and dilute hostile environment ideologies. By delineating these networks, we offer new ways of distinguishing between the types of bordering practices that occur in social care provision within mixed welfare economies – these being ‘statutory bordering’, ‘co-opted bordering’ and ‘shadow bordering’ – as well as strategies employed to resist state exclusionary bordering practices. In doing so, we advance the theories of everyday bordering and street level bureaucracy, offering a more nuanced perspective on the relationship between the state and diverse social care professions.

Older people with long-term care (LTC) needs represent a growing and vulnerable group in European societies. A focus on the interrelation between pension and LTC policies can be useful in determining the extent to which European welfare states address this group’s social risks. This paper asks how European welfare states differ in the extent to which their institutional constellations of pension and LTC policies address older people’s social risks. We systematically measure the generosity of both policy fields at the institutional level to investigate cross-national differences in five European countries representing different welfare regime types. Furthermore, we develop a typology with four types of institutional constellations: residual, pension-oriented supplementary, LTC-oriented supplementary, and complementary. Our empirical results show that the studied welfare states differ in their pension and LTC policy constellations, which has different consequences for the coverage of older people’s social risks.

Recent UK legislative reform has further empowered the UK Executive, degrading horizontal and vertical constraints on powers interfering with human rights, and this has largely taken place via the ‘back door’ through repeated marginalisation of Parliament. Between 2021 and 2023, 11 pieces of primary legislation were given Royal Assent which narrowed Executive accountability mechanisms in relation to coercive and administrative powers identified as weakening human rights protections by the Joint Committee on Human Rights. Echoing both recent and long-standing trends in UK law-making, such reform has been sent through Parliament while employing mechanisms of parliamentary marginalisation, undermining the ability of parliamentarians and broader civil society to scrutinise the changes. The passing of a constitutionally significant group of legislation in this manner created a ‘back door’ through which the UK Executive was able to expand its powers with minimal scrutiny. Such backdoor Executive empowerment supports scholarship highlighting the lack of firm UK constitutional constraints of the Executive. While the paper’s analysis does not make a claim on the overall status of UK democracy, it does argue that the recent legal reform mirrors dynamics identified with respect to democratic erosion, suggesting the need for further assessment of the UK’s democratic health.

This article reconciles conflicting views about the political landscape of corporate America with new data on the revealed political preferences of 97,469 corporate directors and executives at 9,005 different U.S. companies. Driven largely by turnover, I find that average observed ideology for directors and executives has shifted meaningfully to the left over time, changing from modestly conservative in 2001 to roughly centrist by 2022. This finding supports a middle-ground position between conventional wisdom casting “big business” as a conservative stronghold and revisionist views holding the opposite. Counterfactual simulations and a difference-in-differences design suggest multifaceted reasons for these changes, and hand-collected data on corporate stances on LGBTQ-related legislation suggest a strong connection between corporate political activity and individual views. Overall, this transformation has profound implications for American politics, as the individuals comprising one of the most powerful interest groups—corporate elites—appear to be fracturing ideologically and to some degree even switching sides.

Increasing prevalence of diet-related non-communicable diseases in India is attributed to overconsumption of energy-dense, nutrient-poor diets and ultra processed foods (UPF) may potentially contribute to this consumption pattern. Applying standard UPF definition and developing appropriate tools can better capture its consumption among Indians. This cross-sectional study aimed to validate the ‘Nova-UPF Screener (for India)’ and explore its potential to objectively capture UPF consumption among Indian adults. The screener, adapted in prior formative research study from a tool for Brazilian population, was subjected to content, face and concurrent criterion validation. Subject matter experts (n 74) participated in online consultations to determine its content validity. Adults (18–60 years) from different geographical regions of India were included for face (n 70) and concurrent criterion (n 304) validations. The screener comprised twenty-four UPF categories specific to Indian food environment. Critical inputs from experts on screener’s appropriateness were incorporated to enhance its content. For face validation, overall percentage agreement of 99·4 % for all questions indicated a strong agreement for retaining screener attributes in each question. Half the participants (49·4 %) who were administered the finalised screener had Nova-UPF scores between 2 and 4 out of 24. There was almost perfect agreement (Pabak index = 0·85) between distribution of participants based on Nova-UPF scores and fifths of dietary share of UPF (as energy %) assessed by 24-h dietary recall. Nova-UPF Screener (for India) is a valid tool to capture UPF consumption in India that can be used for rapid assessment of UPF consumption and informing policies to improve Indian diets.

Analyzing nominally partisan contests, previous literature has argued that state and local politics have nationalized. Here we use individual ballots from the 2020 general elections covering over 50 million voters to study the relationship between individual national partisanship and voting in over 5,700 contested down-ballot contests, including nonpartisan races and ballot measures. Voting in partisan contests can be explained by voter’s national partisanship, consistent with existing literature. However, we find that voting for local nonpartisan offices and ballot measures is much less partisan. National partisanship explains more than 80% of the within-contest variation in voting for partisan state and local offices but less than 10% for local nonpartisan contests and local ballot measures. The degree of partisanship in local spending measures varies by the type of service—for example, education, roads, public safety, housing. Finally, we find evidence of structure in the pattern of votes on local spending measures.

An integrative approach addressing diet and other lifestyle factors is warranted in studying obesity and its related diseases. The objective of this study is to examine the associations of lifestyle patterns with overweight/obesity among children in the United Arab Emirates. Data were derived from a cross-sectional survey of children aged 4–9 years living in Dubai, Sharjah and Abu Dhabi (n 426). Dietary intake was collected using a 24-h dietary recall and evaluated with the Healthy Eating Index. The Youth Physical Activity Questionnaire assessed physical activity, while other lifestyle factors included the presence of a live-in household helper, number of electronic devices in the child’s bedroom, eating while watching TV, family dinner frequency, fast-food and breakfast consumption and hours of sleep. Factor analysis was used to identify the lifestyle patterns. Two lifestyle patterns emerged: an unhealthy pattern marked by higher fast-food intake, eating while watching TV, having a live-in household helper and lower family dinners and a healthy pattern with higher physical activity, better Healthy Eating Index, more sleep, micronutrient supplements and breakfast consumption. The healthy lifestyle pattern was linked to a 30 % reduction in overweight/obesity odds (OR = 0·7, 95 % CI: 0·53, 0·93). A healthy lifestyle pattern, characterised by higher physical activity, better dietary quality, adequate sleep and breakfast consumption, is associated with lower odds of overweight/obesity among children in the United Arab Emirates. These findings highlight the importance of promoting comprehensive lifestyle interventions to effectively address childhood obesity in this population.

This article reflects on the pitfalls of the combined search for big and better data and argues for more attention to everyday experiences and incidental evidence. It proposes that including spatial aspects, perspectives from cultural, colonial, and women’s history, as well as widening the source base helps to remedy these challenges, and encourages historians to abandon their hesitations and embrace the uncertainties in doing so. It draws on the results of a research project at the University of Amsterdam that utilizes incidental evidence to enhance our understanding of gendered spatial patterns in premodern cities.

This paper is motivated by two conjectures proposed by Bender et al. [‘Complemented zero-divisor graphs associated with finite commutative semigroups’, Comm. Algebra 52(7) (2024), 2852–2867], which have remained open questions. The first conjecture states that if the complemented zero-divisor graph $ G(S) $ of a commutative semigroup $ S $ with a zero element has clique number three or greater, then the reduced graph $ G_r(S) $ is isomorphic to the graph $ G(\mathcal {P}(n)) $. The second conjecture asserts that if $ G(S) $ is a complemented zero-divisor graph with clique number three or greater, then $ G(S) $ is uniquely complemented. We construct a commutative semigroup $ S $ with a zero element that serves as a counter-example to both conjectures.

Left-populist narratives of hydrocarbon extraction in the postcolonial world, including the twentieth-century Middle East, often construe it as a process whereby multinational fossil capital encloses and commodifies land held in common. Although such narratives may capture the experience of communities along certain oil and gas frontiers, they do not account for the social terrains and political trajectories of extractive land grabs in areas where private property in land already underpins commercial agriculture. How do energy companies engage with an existing market in land, and reorient a commodity frontier around extractive rather than agrarian capitalism? This article explores that question by examining property struggles in southern Iraq in the late 1940s and early 1950s, when the multinational Iraq Petroleum Company (IPC) sought to acquire land still devoted to cash crop agriculture. Drawing on business records and material from Iraqi archives entirely new to Anglophone scholarship, I show how land conflicts on the Basra oil frontier came to revolve less around the IPC as such than the Iraqi state. The latter’s expanding remit entailed both the revival of older powers of sovereign landlordism and the deployment of novel capacities, as the state sought to mediate conflicting legal claims on land and its value and manage the social consequences of territorial dispossession. Ultimately, this article historicizes the political-legal status of postcolonial landlord states like Iraq in an era of hydrocarbon extraction, locating the origin of their powers as much in the material assemblage of oil infrastructures as in the monopoly over oil rents.