The sites of Vindolanda in Great Britain and Jianshui Jinguan, present-day Gansu, have produced exciting paleographic evidence pertaining to the borders of the Roman and the Han Chinese empires, respectively. Archaeological excavations at both sites have brought to light many written sources, on inscribed thin tablets and strips of locally available woods, that cast a spotlight on what their authors associated with their assignment in the fringes of empire. Imperfect analogues as these two locations are, rich in cultural idiosyncrasy, Charles Sanft undertakes a comparative analysis that brings both data sets into close conceptual conversation. He begins his discussion with observations on the abstract nature of ancient borders: neither tangible nor “real,” borders were, Sanft argues, a projection of culturally encoded imaginaries. Following this investigative vein, he then explores the spatial essence of Roman and Han Chinese borders. Before turning to the actual sites and documents, Sanft reminds his audience of the convoluted relation between space and place; the latter is understood as a local environment that can be experienced by individuals who are, in turn, aware of the distinct experience of place. The examination of the Vindolanda tablets and Jianshui Jinguan reveals an absence of this type of experience from the written records; hence, the imagination of border postings does not find articulation in terms of experience. Sanft translates this discovery into extensive and indeed paramount conclusions on the Roman and the Han Chinese understanding of borderlands, which was subject to imaginations of far-flung imperial spaces rather than actual engagements with place.

In the face of its international reputation for intransigence and foot-dragging on climate warming policy, combined with its deserved reputation for profligate fossil fuel consumption, the USA has actually reduced its greenhouse gas emissions since 1990. Continued compounded muddling, consisting of stricter national administrative regulation of energy efficiency and pollution control, new state and local government initiatives, further non-governmental governance developments and market-driven economic responses are together likely to support extending the current trends of reduced energy intensity and reduced greenhouse gas emissions over the next few decades, perhaps even to accelerate it. But a U.S. commitment to doing the right thing – whether conceived as doing what it would take to achieve the level of zero net emissions by 2050, or to accomplish the even more draconian reductions needed to soon halt global temperature rise – is unlikely in the absence of something that causes coalescence of a new normative political landscape.

This chapter takes Green Plan implementation as an important test case of climate policy implementation more generally and as an indicator of the potential obstacles to going beyond the mere reconciliation of environmental and human rights issues in pursuit of policies that advance environmental protection and human rights in synergistic ways.

Jordan Christopher analyzes the freshwater provision systems of the imperial capitals of Rome and Chang’an from the perspective of political power, using as his adage that “water flows in the shape of power.” He describes how, during the Republican period, Roman aqueducts were constructed in an ad hoc manner, to please certain constituents rather than to meet the documented needs of the general public. Augustus, in contrast, had a new aqueduct (Aqua Alsietina) constructed to serve only his own Naumachia. Still, even under the Principate, Roman rulers understood that maintaining the earlier aqueducts was a political necessity, and they also invested in baths and fountains – public spaces where elite and commoners alike could meet – to promote solidarity among the citizenry. As recent archaeological work has documented, Western Han Chang’an too was equipped with impressive water control and supply systems. Water coming from the mountains south of Chang’an was pooled and channeled, and engineered so that it could both provide the city with freshwater and prevent flooding. Christopher’s point here is that, by and large, the water infrastructure served the palaces, especially the two major palaces in the southern part of Chang’an, providing a steady supply of water and beautifying the environment. In other words, instead of overcoming hierarchies, water infrastructure in Chang’an was used, just like its many walls, to reinforce and strengthen hierarchies. Chang’an also featured no fountains, and while its many (private) wells might have provided occasion for people to mingle, they were by no means designed to promote such encounters.

Russia is one of the main oil and gas producers and one of the biggest emitters of carbon dioxide globally. Its energy policies are still underpinned by the necessity of establishing ‘spheres of influence’ and are not on track to achieve the objectives of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement. Politically, war in Ukraine is arguably a consequence of this approach and discloses for the European Union (EU) the possibility of a diversification of its energy sources to achieve security of supply, which unlocks the opportunity of accelerating the green transition envisaged in the European Green Deal. Legally, given that they are not at war with Russia, the EU and its Member States could invoke the energy supply crisis and the political misalignment between the Russian energy policy and the Green Deal, rather than war per se, as a justification to abandon consolidated long-term energy contracts and accelerate the green transition.

The beginnings of geographical writings in Graeco-Roman and Han-Chinese culture were subject to divergent perspectives on the natural environment. While ancient Chinese views were typically land-based, the Mediterranean Sea invited a maritime perspective. From the works of early Greek traveling writers, the exercise of geographia (literally ‘description of the earth’) was therefore inspired by principles and practices of circumnavigation, including the detailing of distances and orientation toward topographical features. In China, on the contrary, under the heading of xing fa, an evolving body of geographical manuals focused foremost on shapes and forms, including those of humans, objects, or provinces. Luke Habberstad undertakes the comparative analysis of two authors whose works are commonly considered emblematic of the genre of geographical literature in both civilizations: Strabo of Amaseia (first century BCE/CE), author of an influential Geography, and Ban Gu (first century CE), whose “Treatise on Geography” (“dili zhi”) became an influential precedent for imperial histories compiled in later dynasties. Habberstad’s discussion of authorship, text, and context makes it obvious that Strabo and Ban Gu differed widely in structure and focus. What united their perspectives, however, is that they were situated at analogous historical moments in the trajectory of their respective civilizations, namely, unprecedented highpoints of geographical extent and administrative organization. Literary encounters with space were thus intimately intertwined with ideas about cultural advancement. Expanding on this observation, Habberstad demonstrates that ancient geography, as encapsulated in the works of Strabo and Ban Gu, was not primarily and certainly not exclusively concerned with natural phenomena, but resonated mostly with the imperial milieus and their performative capacities to administer the vast expanse of empire.

While most sovereign entities have committed to greening their economies and investment under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), several of them are also bound by obligations contracted under the Energy Charter Treaty (ECT), which protects investors in renewables and fossil fuel alike. Arguably, such a situation triggers a ‘regulatory clash’ that has the potential to impede the implementation of net zero carbon policies, such as the European Green Deal. This contribution contextualises the ECT within the framework of the UNFCCC and scopes the potential conflict between such regulatory regimes. Particularly, in light of the so-called ‘sunset’ clause, the contribution concludes that a suitable avenue to resolve the clash is establishing a preferential track for investment in clean energy under the ECT. On this basis, fundamental solutions are envisaged for greening investment, by applying model de lege ferenda proposals for a substantive and procedural modernisation of the ECT.

Carbon sequestration has become indispensable to achieving the sustainability objectives set out in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement, within the framework of the concept of ‘net zero’ emissions targets. It includes different prospective techniques, which are nonetheless still in their infancy and not easy to implement. This contribution focuses specifically on carbon sequestration at sea as a test case, aiming to underscore the pros and cons of these measures. It is argued that implementing carbon sequestration at sea requires a cooperative approach, within a context whereby climate change necessitates a synergic rethinking of the Law of the Sea.

The Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) region is a distinct geographic, economic and cultural area with a distinct place in the climate change landscape. Climate policy implementation to meet such Paris Agreement commitments is still incipient, with some of its countries serving as models, some as laggards and the rest positioned somewhere in between. For this reason, partnerships with regions that have advanced more in this area can prove useful. The European Union (EU)–Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC, per the acronym in Spanish) summits and the Euroclima programme are two examples. Due to its high levels of inequality and social unrest, the key challenge to implementing climate policies in LAC will be the strengthening of a political atmosphere where human rights, the rule of law and democratic values prevail.

The People’s Republic of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) was launched in 2013 and has officially involved 140 countries as of 2021. This paper reviews a total of 11 Chinese policies that can be considered part of the efforts to the ‘greening’ of the Belt and Road. It analyses how, among the wide variety of principles, targets and tasks to ‘green’ the BRI, the connotation of ‘green’ has evolved over time. In particular, priority has transitioned from ecological and environmental protection and pollution control in the early days of the BRI to climate change and conservation of biodiversity since 2020. The chapter shows a progression towards more concrete greening Belt and Road implementation measures, including guidance for key industries, life-cycle management of projects, and stopping building new coal-fired power stations since decarbonisation became a domestic policy priority in 2020.

Taking the European Union (EU) as a reference, this chapter critically examines the new landscape of ecolabelling and its relation to climate change. In particular, the focus is on the need to create a food environmental labelling that will play a fundamental role in future scenarios and also in business-to-consumer relations, in fulfilment of the objectives of the Paris Agreement, the United Nations (UN) Agenda 2030 for Sustainable Development and the European Green Deal. To achieve climate sustainability it is necessary to design future instruments that are in line with obligations such as the nutritional Front of Pack Labelling, progressively extending ecolabelling from non-food to food products, thus guaranteeing adequate consumer information.