Rousseau casts the social contract both as a genealogical account of how governments arise and a prescriptive account of how they ought to be made. He can also be read as casting the social contract in a critical role: showing how society would organize itself in certain counterfactual circumstances. A merely hypothetical contract can serve the critical role of reconciling us to our actual circumstances while at the same time specifying what reforms are demanded. Rousseau’s social contract creates a general will, volonté générale, which is not an aggregation of separate wills, nor is it simply the immersion of several selves into a “hive mind.” It is what each wills, even those who disagree with the majority, which announces what the general will wills. Especially interesting is the act by which the general will arises: Citizens abstract from their own selves and situations and surrender all their rights to the political community. And “since each gives himself entirely, the condition is equal for all, and [thus] no one has any interest in making it burdensome to the rest.” Rousseau’s social contract requires there be a civil religion intolerant of those who believe their own faith to be the unique way to salvation.

In April 1971, twenty-two-year-old Alak Chandra was dismissed from work in the Karachi Textile Mills and his residence, along with ten other Bengali employees who were domiciles of Faridpur district of East Pakistan. His luggage and cash, totalling Rs 900 – savings of his last five years – were snatched away. In desperation, he tried twice to cross from Sindh into Barmer (Rajasthan, India) and Indian border security forces sent him back to Pakistan. The third time he refused to budge, declaring that he would rather be shot dead in India than go back to Karachi. ‘If I am shot in India, at least my body will be burnt’, he told the Indian border authorities, ‘but if I am shot in Pakistan, they will leave my body for the dogs.’

This was the start of a trickle that by the summer of 1972 saw close to 20,000 Bengalis escape from Pakistan overcoming the hurdles of passport and foreign exchange controls.2 An editorial in the Dawn on 3 December 1972 underlined the hardships facing the ‘stranded Bengalis’ in Pakistan and their ceaseless attempts to escape thus:

Organised in three sections, this chapter starts with the anticipatory flight of wealthy families from West Pakistan before moving to the different ground and maritime routes of escape. It concludes with the state response to the Bengalis’ escape.

Stand-up comedy is performed in front of an audience, a point both self-evident and critical. Comedians construct their material to best elicit the desired aesthetic responses, laughter being chief among them, from any given crowd that might be assembled before them, and the audience’s engagement is constitutive of the thing produced in that moment of performance. This chapter explores multiple senses of ‘audience’ – as the market for and tradition-bearers of stand-up, as the followers and fanbase of a specific comedian, and as those present at the moment of a performance – before demonstrating the nature of the creative collaboration in completing the prepared ‘text’, in allowing for more spontaneous displays of wit through crowdwork and handling hecklers, and in the breakdown of performance when expectations are breached and the audience withdraws its support.

Bhai Mati Das Museum has a large collection of paintings on display (169) and a majority of these were not prepared for the purpose of exhibition in a museum. They were made over a period of three decades, from the 1970s to early 2000s, by the Punjab & Sind Bank (PSB) for publication in their annual calendars. These canvases which lay in the bank's collection for several years were subsequently donated to the Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee (DSGMC) for display in the Bhai Mati Das Museum. This chapter addresses three main questions: Why does a prominent public sector bank commission calendars on Sikh history? How were these paintings made and who made them? What is the relationship between the bank, the museum and Sikh heritage?

The PSB was founded in the year 1908, during the rise of the Singh Sabha movement, by three prominent Sikhs: Bhai Vir Singh, Sardar Trilochan Singh and Sardar Sunder Singh Majithia.

The Singh Sabha was a highly influential reform movement among the Sikhs which began in the 1870s in Punjab. The main objectives of the movement were social, religious and educational improvement of the Sikh community. The emphasis was on returning to a pure, original form of Sikhism, away from the influences of other religious traditions, which were considered deviant or corrupt. This was done through the establishment of several institutions to guide Sikh religious and educational practices and the publication of popular tracts on Sikh history and religion.

Chapter 8 explores a wide range of SAR operational modes, including polarization and wide swath modes. It reviews the fundamental limitation of the standard swath-mode acquisition and discusses three methods for increasing swath width: ScanSAR, Terrain Observation by Progressive Scans (TOPS), and SweepSAR for the upcoming NISAR mission.

Chapter 5 explains the process of forming an interferogram from two geometrically aligned SLC images and methods for extracting deformation and topography from the interferometric phase. It also covers critical baseline, geocoding, and geocoded SLCs.

The chapter summarises the study described in the book. It discusses the contribution of the study to Construction Grammar and the applications of this grammar to discourse analysis and to language teaching. The contribution of the study to Systemic Functional Grammar is then discussed, with a comparison between this study and proposals by Halliday and Matthiessen. The chapter concludes with a discussion of how the study might be extended in future work.

Rousseau took up the challenge of explaining the origin of social inequality. Primitive humans lived simply and independently. Their natural amour de soi – self-love – was tempered by natural pity. As families connected into tribes, and nomads settled into stationary dwellings, a new sentiment arose: amour propre, or self-esteem. People began to compare themselves to one another and to seek attention. Natural pity was eclipsed by the urge to be admired and to dominate. The introduction of agriculture brought with it private property and competitive accumulation. Human society magnified modest natural inequalities, and immiserated itself in the process. Rousseau’s thought showed a sunnier side in his Du Contrat Sociale: the social contract. He professed not to know how humanity had come to be “everywhere” in chains, but proceeded to show how that condition was legitimate. The device was the social contract, to which individuals bring their possessions in order to secure them as property.

Tonality was a central concept and practice for Schoenberg, informing compositions thatspan the periods most often characterized as tonal, atonal and twelve-tone. Through to about 1908 Schoenberg’s musical language is based on tonality as largely understood and practised by Brahms and Wagner, and by composers closer to Schoenberg’s generation, including Wolf, Pfitzner, Zemlinsky, Reger, Mahler and Strauss. Subsequent works from about 1909 to 1921 avoid standard forms and harmonies but feature many tonally oriented gestures and phrases. Many of his twelve-tone compositions also contain structural traces of tonality, such as what he thought of as ‘tonic’ and ‘dominant’ forms of the row. Several of Schoenberg’s works after 1934 show him yielding to an urge to (in his own words) ‘compose tonal music’.

This chapter begins the more speculative part of the book. It responds to two objections to the instrument doctrine. The first objection is that a person cannot use a nature distinct from him as his instrument, even a divine person, because the created nature would lack some necessary feature for it to exist concretely. With the help of John Duns Scotus’s theology of the hypostatic union, the chapter argues that Christ’s humanity can be an instrument of his person because created personality is an extrinsic feature to the constitution of human nature. If Scotus is right, then a divine person can use a really distinct human nature as his instrument without any loss to the fullness of his humanity. The second objection argued that the instrument doctrine amounts to nothing other than the attribution of secondary causality to Christ’s humanity. The chapter argues that the hypostatic union means that the actions of Christ in the flesh are irreducibly distinct from ours, belonging as they do to a divine person.

Thucydides identified the period of the Peloponnesian War as one in which a concern with divine engagement in the affairs of mortals was particularly intense. This chapter explores a variety of evidence for this heightened concern and asks what forms it took. On the one hand, we find extravagant investment in religious festivities and display. Faced with the uncertainty of war, states and individuals lean into these elements of cultic life and seek thereby to create or claim the sort of prosperity and ease of engagement with the gods chiefly possible in times of peace. On the other hand, we find dissenting voices and worries about the neat picture of prosperity and cohesion such festivities promote. The heightened stakes of the War, where divine favour or displeasure could bring victory or destruction, provide a particular impetus for divergent voices and divergent attitudes to how engagement with the gods should be approached and represented. The chapter explores these dynamics at three levels from the macro to the micro. First, it tackles interstate discourse and competition. Second, it examines the internal dynamics within a single city-state: Athens. Third and finally, it zooms in further to discuss a single cult: the Eleusinian Mysteries.