Il Museo di Manchester ospita una ampia e varia collezione di reperti archeologici, molti dei quali provengono da collezioni private locali costituite tra il diciannovesimo secolo e gli inizi del ventesimo secolo. La base della collezione etrusca e italica è formata da parte della donazione fatta al Museo dal Signor William Sharp Ogden, architetto, nel 1926. Alcuni pezzi di questa collezione sembra siano stati acquistati presso antiquari di Londra, sebbene molti vasi portino l'etichetta di precedenti collezioni molto ben conosciute. Molti altri oggetti provengono dalla collezione raccolta in Inghilterra dal Signor Arnold Forrester Warden, e donata dalla sua vedova nel 1979.

Nel 1981, Manchester ricevette molti bronzi italici, etruschi e romani provenienti dalle collezioni eccedenti del Wellcome Institute, distribuite dagli amministratori tra diversi musei britannici. La maggior parte degli oggetti italici ed etruschi fu acquistata presso importanti antiquari e case d'asta londinesi tra il 1919 ed il 1932. La collezione del Museo di Manchester è ben integrata dal materiale etrusco che si trova nel Museo di Merseyside County, Liverpool, mentre a Manchester, la City Art Gallery possiede alcuni reperti archeologici sia classici che etruschi, in parte provenienti dalla Collezione Canino.

In May 1959, while digging foundations for an electric switch-room in the grounds of the Overseas School, Via Cassia no. 811, workmen came upon the remains of a Roman building. The discovery was reported to the Superintendency of Antiquities for Rome and, by arrangement with the authorities of the Superintendency, the British School undertook to supervise and to record such work of clearance and record as might prove possible within the time and with the means available. The following is a brief, factual report upon this work. In presenting it, the writer wishes to record his indebtedness to Dr. Paul Webb, Headmaster of the Overseas School; to Professor Giulio Jacopi, Superintendent of Antiquities for Rome; to Dottoressa Valnea Scrinari, Inspector of Antiquities for the district; to Mr. John Crawley who supervised most of the work of excavation in conjunction with Signor Rigitano of the Superintendency; to Mr. and Mrs Michael Ballance who helped to record and photograph the results; to Mr. Brian Hartley and Mr. R. A. G. Carson, who kindly examined and reported on the pottery and on the coin, respectively, and to all those friends and pupils of the Overseas School and visitors to the British School who volunteered their assistance during the course of work.

English travellers in the days of the Tudors who have left behind them the story of their wanderings in the civilised lands of Europe are so few that perhaps little excuse is needed for the publication of a diary kept for Sir Edward Unton.

Unton was a gentleman of Berkshire, and traced his pedigree to Edward IV.'s time. He married in 1555 a widowed daughter of the Protector Somerset, was knighted by the Queen in 1559, and in 1574 had the honour to entertain her at his house of Wadley near Faringdon. He was Sheriff in 1567 and elected to Parliament in 1572. He died in 1583 and was buried in Faringdon Church.

His younger son, Henry, took a larger part in affairs of State. He, too, sat in Parliament, but he is chiefly remembered as Ambassador to France and friend of Henry IV., who is said to have mourned his death at the siege of La Fère in 1596. There is a curious portrait of the younger Unton in the National Portrait Gallery.

This gazette presents to the reader outside Rome news of recent archaeological activity (primarily in 2011, but also in the first part of 2012), gleaned from public lectures, conferences, exhibitions and newspaper reports.

Such settlement as there had been in south-eastern Etruria prior to the Early Iron Age had been established by small groups of pioneers moving up the river valleys from the Tiber. The first Early Iron Age settlers came instead from the west, overland, a difference of orientation which from the very outset made itself felt in the resulting pattern of settlement and communications. The first settlers of Veii seem to have come from the neighbourhood of Tarquinia or Vulci, along a line that is marked by the Villanovan sites in the Vesca and Biedano valleys and that of Monte Sant'Angelo on the crest of the Monti Sabatini, between the Lago di Martignano and the Baccano crater. From Monte Sant'Angelo, 11 km. north-west of Veii, there is a continuous ridgeway track leading down to Veii itself, a track which right down to Roman times was to remain Veii's principal outlet to the north.

Oramus, si forte non molestum est,
demonstres ubi sint tuae tenebrae.
Te campo quaesivimus minore,
te in circo, te in omnibus libellis,
te in templo summi Iovis sacrato.    5
In Magni simul ambulatione
femellas omnes, amice, prendi,
quas vultu vidi tamen sereno.
†avelte† sic ipse flagitabam,
Camerium mihi, pessimae puellae!    10
Quaedam inquit, nudum reduc <…..>
en hic in roseis latet papillis.
Sed te iam ferre Herculei labos est,
tanto te in fastu negas, amice.
Dic nobis ubi sis futurus, ede    15
audacter, committe, crede luci.
Nunc te lacteolae tenent puellae?
Si linguam clauso tenes in ore,
fructus proicies amoris omnes:
verbosa gaudet Venus loquella.    20
Vel, si vis, licet obseres palatum,
dum vestri sim particeps amoris.
22 vestri V (al. nostri R2m1G2) sim θ: sis V

Poem 55 poses a variety of metrical, textual and semantic problems: why do 13 of its 22 lines have only ten syllables instead of 11? Should ‘poem 58b’ be incorporated into it, and if so, where? What did the narrator say to the girls in line 9? What exactly did the girl say or do in line 11? Who are the lacteolae puellae of line 17? What is the reading (and the meaning) of the last line? This article, however, is concerned only with the topographical details in lines 3–6. I assume for the sake of argument that the poem is complete in itself (even if ‘poem 58b’ is added, it does not affect the topographical question), and I accept the traditional view that Camerius is a friend and approximate contemporary for whom the narrator is searching like Amphitryo for Naucrates, or Epidicus for Periphanes.

This study of the Abbey of San Paolo di Valdiponte, also known as the Abbazia or Badia Celestina, is the work of a group collaborating under the general direction of Dr. Anthony Luttrell, who is responsible for the overall co-ordination of the project. The participants have discussed each other's sections, while remaining responsible for their own contributions. The original survey of the site was made by Miss Margaret Browne, with the assistance of Miss Sheila Rixon; Figs. 2 and 3 are based upon Margaret Browne's plans, while Figs. 4, 5 and 6 are the work of Domenico Minchilli. Figs. 2, 4, 5 and 6 were prepared in their final form by M. C. Wright. The excavations, directed by Hugo Blake and Tom Blagg, are not complete. A detailed report of the seasons 1971, 1972 and 1973, accompanied by further plans, a description of the finds and a discussion of the pottery, will be published in the second part of this study; meanwhile, the present authors have been able to make full use of Hugo Blake's draft report and plans. The architecture has been studied and described by Dr. Franklin Toker, who also participated in the excavations and conducted research in archives and galleries.

Pirro Ligorio wrote a description of what he believed to be the statio of the cohors vigilum on the Caelian hill which has never been satisfactorily explained. De Rossi supposed that the description was either of the castra peregrina or else a mixture of truth and falsehood. Baillie Reynolds wished to associate the description with some slightly similar remains to the south-east of Santo Stefano Rotondo. Colini recorded it, but offered no specific interpretation.

The text of the description survives in the original Italian in Cod. Taur. V f. 127–128, and in a Latin version by Holstein in Cod. Vat. Lat. 9141 f. 143. The Latin version differs in some respects from the Italian, and we give both texts here:

Castro Celimontano de' soldati Vigili fu in Roma nel monte Celio di là degli acquedotti dell'acqua Claudia, fra l'hospitale del Salvatore in Laterano et il monasterio di S. Steffano, ai confini delli castri peregrini, nel cui luogo hoggidí vi sono le vigne di M. Lippo et di Uberto Strozzi gentiluomini Mantovani, i quali per piantare esse vigne hanno spianato le rovine di esso Castro, alloggiamento dei soldati che la città di notte guardavano, dove havemo veduti alcuni vestiggi della pianta de'fondamenti ch'erano sotto delle rovine scassandosi il luogo. Et si sono veduti i luoghi che haveva di quattro torrioni quadrati, uno per angolo del Castro et per quattro lati fra esse torri erano quattro stanze larghe XX piedi e longhe XLVI et a destra cinque stanze di XV piedi larghe et longhe XX et a sinistra altre cinque stanze simili et cosí per tutti quattro i lati erano l'altre a destra et a sinistra delle altre grandi simili di quarantasei piedi, et le torri fiancheggiavano essi lati delle sale et camere.

Personal names of animals, mostly of dogs and horses, are, as everyone is aware, recorded in the literature and archaeological monuments of archaic, classical, and hellenistic Greece. A few examples must suffice here, by way of preface to our present study. The most familiar of Homeric named beasts is, of course, Odysseus' faithful hound Argos (‘Swiftfoot’: Od. 17, 292). Hector's steeds (Il. 8, 185) were Xanthos, Podargos, Aithon, and Lampos—Tawny, Swiftfoot, Flash, and Fire: Achilles drove Xanthos and Balios—‘Tawny’ and ‘Dapple,’ offspring of the mare Podarge (Il. 19, 400); and Menelaus yoked Agamemnon's mare Aithe (Bay) and his own horse Podargos (Il. 23. 295). Names of classical hunting-dogs are quoted in Xenophon's Cynegeticus (7, 5). In hellenistic times the best-known animal-name is that of Alexander's favourite charger Boukephalas (‘Oxhead’) (Strabo 15, I, 29; etc.). Theocritus records the names of two heifers, Lepargos (‘Whitecoat’) and Kymaitha (Plumpling ?) (4, 45–46), and of a bull, Phaethon (‘Brightcoat’) (25, 139): the author of Idyll 8 tells us of Lampourgos (Firetail), a sheep-dog (65); while among metrical epitaphs on dogs dating from this age we have that of Philokynegos (‘Chasseur’) of Pergamon, accompanied by a portrait of the deceased and dating, probably, from the third century b.c.

The collection of Greek vases formed in Italy by the second Marquess of Northampton is the richest private collection in Great Britain and one of the richest in the world. A good many of the finest pieces are tolerably well known. One or two of them were drawn for Gerhard while they were still in the Roman market; and were published by him in his Auserlesene Vasenbilder. A brief notice of the collection was communicated to Gerhard by Birch and published in the Archäologische Zeitung for 1846: in 1863 Conze visited Castle Ashby and contributed some observations to the same periodical; but the notes which Furtwängler took in 1881 are much fuller and much more valuable. In 1888 a selection of the vases was exhibited at the Burlington Fine Arts Club and described by Froehner in the catalogue of the exhibition: Froehner's descriptions have zest, and the illustrations, though not numerous, are good. In 1903 a different selection formed portion of another exhibition organised by the same Society, and found place in the illustrated catalogue issued in 1904. In 1903, two important fragments were published by Hartwig in his Meisterschalen.

The Via Claudia Valeria was the prolongation of the Via Valeria to its natural termination upon the shores of the Adriatic. During the Republican period the principal lines of communication between Rome and almost every part of Italy were fixed and settled, even if they had not become viae munitae; and so it remained for the Emperors to develop this system and bring it to its logical conclusion. The old Via Valeria linked Rome with Alba Fucens, and, by natural extensions, with the country of the Marsi and the Paeligni. The Emperor Claudius went a step further, and, by connecting the Via Valeria at Cerfennia (Collarmele) with the Mare Superum at the Ostia Aterni (Pescara), not only brought the Paeligni and the Marrucini into direct connection with the capital, but opened up a most important route between the Mediterranean and the Adriatic. With the Paeligni and the Marrucini, through whose territory the Via Claudia Valeria passed, the Romans never had any serious trouble. We first hear of relations between Rome and these people in the middle of the fourth century. No serious hostilities are mentioned and Roman armies appear to have been able to march through their territory without opposition.; In 304 B.C. Rome granted, a treaty to the Marrucini, Marsi, Paeligni and Frentani, all of whom remained generally loyal in aftertimes. The Via Salaria, which, in its mature form, connected Rome with Ausculum and Castrum Truentinum, a point on the Adriatic coast somewhat to the north of the mouth of the Aternus, was of very early origin. To the late Republican period (117 B.C.) belongs the Via Caecilia, which branched off from the Via Salaria in the valley of the Farfa (at the 36th mile) and, after passing through Amiternum, the chief town of the northern Sabini, reached Hadria and the coast.

The roads and gates described in the previous section are of very varied dates, and many of them were in use over a long period. They have been described first because they constitute the essential framework for any serious topographical study of Veii. Within this framework the city developed, and in this and the following sections will be found described, period by period, the evidence for that development, from the first establishment of Veii in Villanovan times down to its final abandonment in late antiquity.

Whatever the precise relationship of the Villanovan to the succeeding phases of the Early Iron Age in central Italy in terms of politics, race or language, it is abundantly clear that it was within the Villanovan period that the main lines of the social and topographical framework of historical Etruria first took shape. Veii is no exception. Apart from sporadic material that may have been dropped by Neolithic or Bronze Age hunters, there is nothing from the Ager Veientanus to suggest that it was the scene of any substantial settlement before the occupation of Veii itself by groups of Early Iron Age farmers, a part of whose material equipment relates them unequivocally to the Villanovan peoples of coastal and central Etruria.

Non è per nulla facile districare un problema di confini nell'Alto Medio Evo, quando i documenti o mancano o sono bellamente contraddittori.

Per ora il problema che mi propongo di delucidare e questo : dove correva il confine fra le terre bizantine di Puglia quelle del principato di Benevento e del marchesato di Spoleto ? Quel poco che ci vien fatto di cavar fuori da documenti e cronache ha un merito veramente singolare : quello di lasciarci nella piu assoluta incertezza.

Partiamo da uno dei pochi dati sicuri: la divisione fra Benevento e Salerno (849 ?). All'antico principato, per cio che concerne la nostra regione, sono attribuiti i gastaldati di Lésina (sull'omonima laguna, all'angolo Nord-Ovest del Gargano), Termoli (alia foce del Trigno), Larino (fra Biferno e Fortore), Volturara (nell'alto Fortore, fra i monti del Sannio e della Daunia), Ariano Irpino (sull'acrocoro che domina le sorgenti del Cervaro), Lucera, Siponto, Ascoli Satriano. Il confine, in quest'anno, o correva addirittura lungo l'Ofanto o per lo meno, appoggiandosi all'ansa che tale fiume fa verso Nord, fra i monti Cervaro e La Guardiola (toponimo squisitamente longobardo!), e girando tra l'Ofanto e Ascoli Satriano, puntava al mare passando per Cerignola e Trinitàpoli.

Analyses of writing culture in tenth-century Rome have been impeded by an absence of manuscripts and documents that can be assigned unquestionably to scriptoria in the city. This paper will examine the possibility that one such document has hitherto been hiding in plain sight, as it were: the dower charter given by Emperor Otto II to the Byzantine princess Theophanu on the occasion of their marriage in St Peter's on 14 April 972. Usually considered to be ‘Ottonian’, rather than ‘Italian’ or ‘Roman’, this document nevertheless states explicitly that it was undertaken at the Roman church of Santi Apostoli, and this possibility is assessed in light of what is known about that church, the Via Lata region and their connections to the foremost noble family in the city.

§ I.—That the three historical reliefs, of which two are immured in the north and south walls of the portico of the Villa Borghese, while the third rests on the ground to the left of the entrance, once belonged to a triumphal arch erected by Claudius in commemoration of his conquest of Britain, seems to be the accepted belief at the present time. The reliefs are published under this title in Brunn-Bruckmann's Denkmäler; their provenance from the Arch of Claudius is affirmed without question by Helbig in his guide to the Roman collections, and has been assumed in all recent discussions of the history of Roman art. Nevertheless it has no foundation, save in a conjecture of Nibby, contained in his Monumenti scelti della Villa Borghese, a work published in 1832. The Villa had been stripped of its principal treasures during the Napoleonic period—when some scores of statues and reliefs found their way to Paris, and now form no inconsiderable portion of the sculptures of the Louvre—and their places were partly filled by less important works gathered from the gardens of the Villa and from the other properties of the Borghese. It was thus that the reliefs in question came to be employed in the decoration of the portico; up till that time they had, as it would appear, lain neglected and scarcely noticed in the gardens of the Villa.

East of Sabratha the coast of the Mediterranean Sea is formed by a line of soft sandstone cliffs. These, which are scarcely more than twenty feet high, are divided by low headlands into shallow bays. Below the cliffs, the foreshore is sometimes of harder rocks, flat or weathered into sharp spines and pinnacles; sometimes of fine sand, equally ideal for bathing or for beaching boats. Inland run low sand-dunes, barren now except for the desert shrubs on which Arab boys graze their goats. But this coast was fertile once, for here and there one may find scatters of pottery, Hellenistic, Arretine, and Roman coarse wares; or lines of square-cut well-laid masonry, which mark the sites of Roman baths, mausolea and villas. One such group of buildings forms the subject of this paper.

The site (Fig. 1) was discovered by Mr. J. B. Ward Perkins, the Director of the Sabratha Expedition (1948), who noticed foundations cut into the rocks of the foreshore, and short stretches of wall protruding from the sand dunes above the cliffs: clear evidence that a villa had once stood there. It was not possible to spare either Arab labour or supervising staff for a full-scale excavation of the site, but it seemed worth-while to make some record of the buildings. Mr. N. de l'E. Thomas and I decided, therefore, to devote what spare time we had to investigating the villa and, when its importance had been recognized, we were aided by four Arab workers.