This chapter will first discuss some theoretical aspects of terrorism in Swat society with special reference to structural functionalism or functionalist theories that created a space for the rise of Taliban, because it explores a set of human behaviour and complexities of a society to maintain harmony and peace (Ritzer, 2010). Second, it will discuss the conceptualisation of women and education in armed conflicts. The chapter then ends with some reflections about the suitability of feminists’ peace and conflict theories in Swat context.

According to the theory, every society has its stable social structure. This social structure has its own harmonious way of functioning that is acceptable and recognised for a society. However, as time passes, changes occur in a society's setup, and people try to change or modify their old-fashioned functions. Thus, societies accept or reject new social functions based on their suitability or unsuitability within their cultural and societal norms. However, if the new functions are disapproved by a group, known as ‘dysfunctional group’, or the concept of ‘dysfunction’, whereas functions contribute to the adjustment of the system, dysfunctions are those consequences that lead to instability and ultimately change (Elwell, 2013: 1). The change bearer group in the social structure continues their struggle within society. This tussle always creates clashes and conflicts within a society when the functions of social structure are unacceptable for the changing group, and the existing functions holder rejects the new social structure changes. This tug of war between the societal structural functional and dysfunctional forces (groups) is a continuous process throughout human history. However, Merton asserts that institutional structures and cultural elements are interrelated and mutually supporting and that the dominant orientation of socio-cultural systems is stability (Elwell, 2013: 1).

Restructuring an existing society with social mechanisms adjusts the new acceptable social functions with existing social norms; otherwise, the society repulses it.

In this chapter, I discuss the stories of courageous women who have struggled for education, peace and prosperity in Swat Valley. In addition, I analyse the Swat women's unending hope and efforts for peacekeeping and peacebuilding, where education for all and everyone gained momentum nowadays.

Pakistan is one of the world's most populous countries where the struggle for socio-economic development, education and the redefinition of religion and cultural discourses are challenging dynamics. It has the least gender equitable measures among South Asian countries. There are many challenges for women in the country, but the vanguard one is targeting and attacking education and women to deprive them of their fundamental rights of education, work and to make personal decisions about their life.

The analysis in the second story about the educated women of Swat highlights the most disastrous time of their life, gender issues and the unequal power relation of gender in conflicts they went through. Their life stories give us their diverse life experiences of torture, fear and oppression yet with hope, optimism and peace too. They demonstrated their experiences during three phases: terrorism, counter-insurgency destructions and their forced displacement that all considered more gendered episodes.

As mentioned, the tragic story of Swat commenced with unjust social and legislature of the prevailing law that exploited their fundamental rights since the merger (1969) (Sultan-i-Rome, 2008). These circumstances were well prepared ground for TNSM, which was a peaceful restoration of Sharia law by Sufi Muhammad against the corrupt and inefficient judicial system (Hussain, 2001) that later became the root cause of the rise of militancy (Majeed 2016 and Rome, 2008). Thus, the discourse constructed by Fazlullah was based on Wahabism, revolving around jihad, extremism, anti-modernism, anti-state and anti-women (Hussain et al., 2011; cited in Majeed, 2016: 97). To suppress the Taliban's conservative barbaric ideology, which I am not calling Islam because it has nothing to do with the peaceful philosophy of Islam, they reached their extreme form of violence and aggression for political empowerment.

For centuries, in Pukhtun society, lack of education deprived women of their socio-political and economic participation which is considered the main impediment to their empowerment (Naz and Chaudhry, 2011).

This study concluded the ways in which women are excluded from education and from holding positions of power because of male domination across the globe. Therefore, women have limited access to public authority over their private lives. Furthermore, each theory of feminism discussed here has played a crucial role in the twenty-first century of feminist theorisation and politics, and together they constitute a source of inspiration for the future. I have described the basic exchange between feminism and Western philosophy that runs through these feminisms and their relationship. Where feminism will go from here is unclear, but the point is that feminism, by any name, is alive in academia and outside of it. Some older feminists feel discouraged by the younger generations’ seeming ignorance of or disregard for the struggles and achievements of the early movement. They see little progress (the pay gap has not significantly narrowed in 60 years) and are fearful that the new high-heeled, red-lipped college girls are letting go of hard-won gains. This, however, is not likely the case. There have always been feminisms in movements, not just one ideology, and there have always been tensions, points and counterpoints. The political, social and intellectual feminist movements have always been chaotic, multivalent and disconcerting, and let's hope they continue to be so; it's a sign that they are thriving. I concluded that economic classes, language of instructions and parental education patterns were the reinforcing elements for the women of Pukhtunkhwa to access higher education. The upper and upper-middle-class women were confident of continuing higher education if they wanted to. Women of Pukhtunkhwa preferred marriage over higher education. Career was not their priority or was the second option and even then only in the fields of medicine and teaching. If a choice between a career and higher education was available to them, they would choose higher education. It was surprising that the women in contemporary Pukhtunkhwa were happy to give all the decision-making power to their family men because a lack of training made them hesitant to decide their future. However, on the other hand, they do demand women-only educational institutions throughout Pukhtunkhwa.

In this chapter, I will further elaborate on my key findings in the following conceptual areas: synthesising feminist theories in higher education in Pukhtunkhwa, the inappropriateness of applying Western models to a non-Western setting, redefining cultural and religious discourses, lack of female role models in Pukhtunkhwa society, women's lack of training and experience in the decision-making process, money, marriage and masters and the appli-cation and relevance of Marxist feminism and Islamic socialism.

Synthesising Feminist Theories in Higher Education in Pukhtunkhwa

The theoretical framework of this study has been informed by work on gender inequality in education from different feminist theories (liberal, radical, Marxist and Islamic), with a common underlying theme being challenging the male-dominated nature of the field of education (Mattu and Hussain, 2004; Dean, 2007). My study adopted a radical Islamic feminist approach by challenging the cultural and patriarchal Pukhtunkhwa traditional society to empower women. As I made clear in the section addressing Marxist feminism, this study also adopted some aspects of a Marxist feminist approach, especially the recognition that women's experiences in Pukhtunkhwa (as elsewhere) are influenced by capitalism and its attendant hierarchical set of social class relations as well as by patriarchy.

I am seeking empowerment for women in Pukhtunkhwa to make decisions about their lives without confrontation with their religion and the men of their families. Instead, they should be free to achieve their goals and realise their rights in partnership with men and with an understanding of Islamic theology (Contractor, 2010) set out by contemporary writers and the concept of Ijtihad, which enables them to challenge patriarchal interpretations of their Islamic faith. In the analysis of my interview data, my sample women seemed very accepting and passive regarding their own experiences and situations. This study opens an arena for the Pukhtun women to have more confidence in making their voices heard which might contribute to transformation.

Furthermore, my study rejected the argument put forward by liberal feminists that equality should be brought about by state law. Pakistan already has a constitutional law to provide equal opportunities for men and women in edu-cation and other fields of life, but this exists only in official documents, not in practice. Similarly, the country's name is the ‘Islamic Republic of Pakistan’: it is an Islamic country, but Islam is not truly implemented in state affairs and law.

Appendix 1: Maps of Pukhtunkhwa and Swat

Ethnography and feminist methodologies and methods have become central in these studies. I acknowledge my personal areas of concern and interest as a researcher. I cannot isolate myself from these studies. I presented myself as a liberal-nationalist feminist, who grew up in an educated family in Pukhtunkhwa, as a daughter who went to school and completed her higher education with the support of her feminist-nationalist Baba (father), who encouraged her to escape the traditional roles of Pukhtun women. My Baba's extreme love and belief in me made me a woman of audacity and nerve. Thus, my research is based on my own life experiences that led me towards gender issues and social justice for Pukhtun women. It is interesting that as an author I share common goals and some common experiences to give voice to the unvoiced, and I positioned myself as an ‘in-between’ researcher:

I further explained the in-between researcher position in this chapter to familiarise my readers with the use of this term in research. However, here I discuss how my story has a place in this book – who I am and where I am coming from – and how it has had a deep impact on the selection and development of my research questions, contexts and participants in both studies. As a researcher, I am well-placed to conduct these studies because of my own personal background, nationality, family heritage and gender. As I men-tioned, I grew up in this area, went to school and completed my MA degree at the University of Peshawar.