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Acid deposition, better known as acid rain,1 goes far beyond the deposition of acid pollutants. It is atmospheric deposition, a phenomenon in which airborne chemicals and particulates – whether acids, metals, organic chemicals, microbes, or pollens – deposit from air onto land and water. You became familiar with fine particulates, PM2.5, in Chapter 5 and know that many chemicals can be associated with particulate matter.
We are reminded in Section 4.1 that a hazardous chemical is a risk only if there is exposure to it. Section 4.2 summarizes the ongoing studies of the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) on human exposure to more than 300 chemicals. Section 4.3 introduces epidemiology, a discipline that studies possible relationships between human exposure to a particular chemical and its possible adverse health effects. We see the many difficulties posed in doing a good epidemiological study, but that they are important. Section 4.4 introduces chemical risk assessment, which is done to calculate a dose that is safe for human exposure; the four steps of an assessment are explained. Box 4.1 describes the use of factors of 10. An example of how risk assessment can lead to controversy is explained in Box 4.2. Section 4.5 explains that the purpose of risk management is reducing exposure to the chemical in question. Regulatory methods are often used, but other approaches are also noted. Section 4.6 describes why reducing risk to children has special importance. It also looks at chemical risks in less-developed countries versus developed countries. Section 4.7 discusses how chemical risk assessment continues to be done in animals; however, that may rapidly change with Tox21, a major effort that is radically changing chemical risk assessment. This uses automated means of testing chemical toxicity and does so rapidly and without animals. Section 4.8 concludes the chapter.
This chapter deals with a global issue – the destruction of stratospheric ozone – that results from ozone-depleting chemicals, of which chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) and halons are best known. Depletion of stratospheric ozone by these chemicals led to increasing amounts of the Sun’s ultraviolet (UV) light reaching Earth’s surface. This problem led to the 1987 Montreal Protocol, the first worldwide agreement to protect the environment. The ban on ozone-depleting chemicals is largely working. Problems continue to arise that need resolving, but the “ozone hole” is slowly recovering (see Table 1.3).1
Section 13.1 describes the characteristics of hazardous waste (HW), the US law governing it, the history of HW site development, and those who currently generate HW. In Section 13.2 we see the cradle-to-grave tracking of HW and major means of treating it. In Section 13.3 we see how Superfund came into being and examine two sites, Love Canal and a huge mining site; we see a great number of HW sites that the government itself created. Section 13.4 portrays the evaluation of HW sites, and how exposure to those sites and their health risks are evaluated. Section 13.5 briefly looks at cleaning up HW sites; we learn the good potential for reuse of brownfield sites. In Section 13.6 we see how HW has been irresponsibly transported into poor countries and the passage of the Basel Convention to reduce illegal dumping. In Section 13.7 we see the major problems associated with waste electronics (e-waste), and that e-waste can become HW when “recycled” in countries unable to handle it. We also see that e-waste can be properly recycled, but at a cost; electronics are not designed for recycling, and even disassembly can be difficult. However, the EU has a directive that requires extended producer responsibility (EPR). Electronics production requires large quantities of resources, including 10 percent of the world’s gold; these factors may lead to more responsible e-waste recycling. Section 13.8 presents the chapter conclusions.
Metals rank among the agents posing the greatest hazards to humans.1 Many are nutrients and exposure to normal levels of these is not toxic. However, none of the persistent, bioaccumulative, toxic (PBT) or other hazardous metals – also called heavy metals – is a nutrient. PBT and other heavy metals can be toxic even at low concentrations. Three metals – lead, methylmercury, and cadmium – are PBTs.2 All metals are found in nature, but at low concentrations. A metal’s toxicity, as will be seen in this chapter, can vary depending on its chemical form.3
Recall persistent organic pollutants (POPs) from Chapter 1 (see Box 1.4). A POP is a chemical that persists and bioaccumulates in the environment1 – that is, a chemical accumulates in a particular living creature faster than it can be eliminated. And the chemical is toxic.2 In this chapter, PBT (persistent, bioaccumulative, toxic) is used synonymously with POP because all POPs are PBTs. However, the opposite is not true: In Chapter 15 you will see three metal PBTs, so not all PBTs are POPs.3
Climate change is nothing new. About 18,000 years ago, Earth was experiencing the last of many ice ages, from which it only emerged about 10,000 years ago.1 More recently, approximately between the years 1300 and 1870, portions of the Earth passed through a little ice age. The role of greenhouse gases (GHGs), especially water vapor and carbon dioxide (CO2),2 in affecting the Earth’s temperature is also ancient, and indeed has long served life on Earth well. Radiation from the sun reaches and warms the Earth’s surface. Earth absorbs about half of this radiation and, in turn, emits radiant heat (infrared radiation) back toward space; part of this is captured by heat-trapping water vapor and GHGs. Without the “greenhouse effect” to trap this warmth, the Earth could be colder by 35°C (95°F), and unable to support life as we know it. However, the last century has brought greater warming than can be accounted for by natural causes, and warming that is occurring at a faster rate.3 This is what we examine in this chapter. Moreover, another impact due to carbon dioxide has been occurring – ocean acidification, another impact with serious implications.
This article tells the story of the dog teams of the British Antarctic Expedition 1910–13. Its purpose is to establish an accurate record of sledge dog involvement in the expedition. It is not concerned with hypotheses about how a better outcome for the expedition might have been achieved, aiming simply to assemble and analyse verifiable evidence in chronological order. A substantial amount of research has been undertaken. Straightforward details about procurement of the dogs and their main Antarctic journeys have been summarised in tabular form as an accessible reference source for future work. A literature review has been undertaken, finding that none of the reviewed works accurately traces the evolving plans and instructions for the expedition’s dog teams. The story starts with Scott’s September 1909 public fundraising prospectus and goes on to the procurement and training of Huskies from Siberia. It traces the challenges, achievements, attitudes and management decisions that shaped the dogs’ main journeys. It finishes with Terra Nova leaving the Antarctic, with the last 13 dogs in January 1913. The dog teams and their handlers performed well in the Antarctic and successfully completed three of their four main journeys. They made a substantial contribution to the expedition.
Research on the demographic impacts of mining in sparsely populated areas has focused primarily on relatively large towns. Less attention has been paid to smaller villages, which may experience different impacts because of their highly concentrated economies and their small populations, making them more vulnerable to demographic “boom and bust” effects. This paper examines demographic change in four small villages in northern Sweden, which are located close to several mining projects but have evolved through different degrees of integration with or separation from mining. Using a longitudinal “resource cycle” perspective, the demographic trajectories of the villages are compared to understand how different types of settlement and engagement with mining have led to different demographic outcomes in the long term. While the four villages experienced similar trajectories in terms of overall population growth and decline, their experiences in relation to more nuanced indicators, including age and gender distributions and population mobilities, were different, and potential reasons for this are discussed. Due to data limitations, however, the long-term demographic consequences of mining for local Sami people remain unclear. The paper problematises this research gap in light of general concerns about mining impacts on traditional Sami livelihoods.
In 2009, the Act on Greenland Self-Government was adopted. It recognises that “the people of Greenland is a people pursuant to international law with the right of self-determination”. Within this framework, the people of Greenland have gained significant control over their own affairs and the right to access to independence. Yet, the extent to which this framework ensures the right of self-determination in accordance with fundamental human rights can still be questioned. From a human rights perspective, the right of self-determination is not a one-time right. It is fundamental human right that applies in different contexts beyond decolonisation and which has implications not only for colonial countries and peoples but also for the population of all territories, including indigenous and minority groups. From this perspective, this contribution seeks to disentangle and analyse the different facets of self-determination in Greenland while considering the implications of the right based on the multifarious identity of the peoples living in the country as colonial people, citizens, indigenous and minority groups, including their claim to control mining resources.
This article discusses the evaluation of the management of the Laponia World Heritage site (Laponia WHS) in northern Sweden. After inscription on the World Heritage list in 1996, difficulties emerged in establishing a common understanding about the involvement of various stakeholders into the site’s management model, the key point of contention being the influence of the representatives from indigenous Sami people and how that should be organised. In 2011, the management organisation led by Laponiatjuottjudus (the Sami name for the Laponia WHS management organisation) was established and implemented. This organisation gave Sami representatives a majority in the Laponia steering board and the position as chairperson in the board. This marked a remarkable shift in the Swedish national management system of land in not only handing over a state decision-making power to the local level but also to representatives of the indigenous population. The evaluation of the management model presented by Laponiatjuottjudus resulted in a number of responses from several stakeholders participating in a consultation process. These responses, from stakeholders with conflicting positions in relation to the issue described above, are the subject of this study. The analysis of these data collected reveals the existence of four major approaches or narratives to the Laponia WHS, with narratives connected to nature, the indigenous population and local governance, the economic effects of the existing system, and lastly the local community narrative. The study concludes that present management of Laponia WHS, the Laponiatjuottjudus, is a unique attempt to widen the management and planning process that partly interferes with the existing national planning model. At the same time, the analysis reveals that the Sami demands for influence over land management in the north still faces major challenges connected to its colonial legacy.
Using a literature review, this paper defines the knowledge status of smoked reindeer meat and investigates to what degree reindeer herders’ traditional knowledge has been included in scientific articles and grey literature. We developed a four-level categorisation of the degree of including traditional knowledge, from “non-participation” to “self-determination,” and three levels of focus. Very few scientific articles on smoked or smoking reindeer meat appeared in the review. Not only did reindeer peoples’ traditional meat smoking knowledge “went up in smoke”—both literally and metaphorically—but also incorrect conclusions were often drawn as a result of that exclusion. We argue that reindeer herders’ traditional knowledges and practices of smoking reindeer meat need examination and inclusion through co-production or self-determination methods across scientific disciplines.
The term “Antarctic ambassadorship” is increasingly used to represent an individual’s connection to Antarctica and their subsequent advocacy. However, there is little clarity regarding the concept. To address this, we combined a literature review with an expert elicitation workshop. We argue that (i) the concept of Antarctic ambassador has been understood in myriad ways; (ii) Antarctic ambassadors have a connection to, knowledge of and passion for Antarctica; (iii) they also have a commitment to defending and advancing Antarctic values and (iv) Antarctic ambassadorship is about more than advocacy. We propose the first comprehensive definition of Antarctic ambassadorship. We hope this will provide a cornerstone upon which future research, and a more informed governance of Antarctic tourism, can be built.