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This chapter sets out an imagined example of what the SWIPRO strategy could look like when executed in the real world. As I have outlined, the SWIPRO approach addresses the underlying causes of IWT, chiefly by developing business solutions to solve the economic equation. Those businesses then provide the funds to pay for enhanced law enforcement and community support in and around protected areas to solve the poacher's equation and, at the national and global level, to support efforts to break criminal networks through financial investigations and to help deliver a commercial approach to reduce IWT demand through substitution. I believe the SWIPRO strategy offers the most effective and workable solution to bring IWT to an end.
In the sections below I set out a fictional protected area to show how the SWIPRO strategy can best be applied in different contexts. I also provide some imagined solutions to break networks and for products and campaigns to reduce IWT demand through substitution. Not all of these ideas will necessarily work in the real world exactly as set out in this chapter, but the intent is to show what could be delivered to provide inspiration to those with the motivation and capability to make such ideas happen.
THE NATIONAL PARK (TNP)
TNP is an imagined protected area with good road transport links to the country's main city which contains both a maritime port and an international airport. Surrounding TNP live local communities facing high levels of poverty, a lack of education and health facilities and a 20 per cent child malnutrition rate. TNP contains the “Big 5” game – lions, leopards, buffalo, elephants and rhinos – as well as a host of other mammals, birds and reptiles, including pangolins. Organized criminal networks operate in TNP, recruiting members of the local community to support experienced poachers to kill rhinos and elephants, and paying poachers in the local community for big cat skins and bones, and captured pangolins. High levels of poaching have led to population declines in all the key species in TNP, so the wildlife authority and conservation NGOs operating in and around the park have asked for outside support to help them implement the SWIPRO strategy. That support began five years ago, and the results are set out below.
I was speaking to a well-respected Zambian wildlife police officer (ranger) working in Kafue National Park in Zambia to find out more about the poaching situation in the park. After he had outlined the problems they were having, I asked if poaching continued throughout the year and in all areas of the park. He said there was no poaching on the western edge of the park in July and August. This was the time of the tobacco harvest, which created a lot of local employment, removing the need and the time to poach. Although not a perfect example of a business solution to CIWT – some of the tobacco farms were encroaching on the game management areas and there was no link between the tobacco companies and conservation – that example, especially the ranger's remark that they had neither the need nor the time to poach has remained with me.
The central argument of this chapter is that generating revenue from diversified business models associated with conservation at the tactical level is the lynchpin for success in CIWT (we shall examine the strategic level in Chapter 6 on demand reduction). The more revenue that protected areas can generate, the stronger the justification for conservation and the more success is likely to be achieved: “if it pays it stays”. That increased revenue creates powerful economic interests for protection over exploitation, flipping the economic equation on its head as conservation becomes a profitable activity instead of a cost, and more money can be generated from conservation than illegal exploitation.
I believe that the most effective business models are those that offer protection, income and employment for protected areas and the communities living around them. Protection comes in the form of physical barriers to entry for potential poachers, the security provided by the businesses themselves, and the deterrent effect of strong economic interests tied to conservation. Income relates to how much revenue can be generated by businesses associated with conservation, both to make the economic case that protection can compete and win on commercial terms over exploitation, and to provide finance for the other elements of SWIPRO through revenue shares to organizations delivering CIWT activity. Employment directly addresses the poacher's equation by removing the need to poach and winning the support of local communities.
Frederick the Great of Prussia was concerned about the risk of famine due to the dependence of the population on wheat as their main source of carbohydrates. He wanted to diversify away from this monocrop by getting peasant farmers to grow potatoes. However, despite his best efforts to force the new crop on his subjects, he failed; Prussian peasants said that potatoes tasted so horrible that not even dogs would eat them. So he tried a different tack, declaring the potato to be a royal vegetable, only to be grown within the palace grounds and guarded night and day by armed soldiers. Secretly, however, the soldiers were told not to do a very good job. Sure enough, as word spread about the exclusive new royal vegetable, thieves entered the grounds to steal the potatoes, a black market soon emerged, and farmers all over Prussia started to grow the new crop.
I enjoy this story because it shows what can be achieved by the clever use of psychology in marketing, and that the obvious way to achieve a goal is not always the most effective. It is this type of behavioural approach that could be utilized to weaken demand for IWT products. The approach also helps us to better understand what underpins demand for IWT products. For example, as discussed in previous chapters, rhino horn is now more valuable than gold. This is not just as a result of scarcity and market forces, or demand for its medicinal properties (it has none), but because it has become a symbol of conspicuous consumption; a recent trend among Vietnamese millionaires is to have rhino horn ground into expensive cocktails.
Such cultural trends can emerge quite suddenly and unpredictably, leading to increases in poaching and the trade in a particular species, and they can be difficult to identify; it can take time to notice sustained increases in exploitation and trading of individual species, and often by the time the increase is identified, the damage to the species is already severe, as we saw in Chapter 1. The current approach to demand reduction then requires grant applications to be completed and campaigns to be developed to raise the profile of the species involved, which takes time, all the while the species is being lost.
As part of my Masters degree I had to undertake an internship in a region of armed conflict or post-conflict, working with a relevant NGO on the topic of my dissertation. I wanted to examine the linkages between conservation and postwar recovery, and was fortunate to get the chance to work in eastern DRC and Rwanda. One of the projects being run by the NGO that I interned with was a honey cooperative. They were working with local communities to develop a social enterprise to produce and sell honey in nearby markets, to create employment and income to stop poaching.
The idea was sound, but the execution epitomized why CIWT approaches have yet to scale and bring an end to the trade. A Ugandan member of the team, with no commercial background, was trying to teach members of the Rwandan local community, via a translator, how to develop a business model to produce, process, transport and sell their honey. I bought a pot of honey back home with me and ran some taste tests with friends and family, all of whom were impressed by the quality. Here was a product – “gorilla-friendly” honey – that tasted great and could potentially have built a strong brand, but it was going nowhere. That was my first experience of how important it is to get the right people involved, and it was the first time I saw the potential to scale existing conservation projects to deliver a commercial solution. There is some great work in the CIWT space, but without a shift in strategy that will enable that work to significantly expand its impact, the trade is unlikely to end. It echoes a point made by John and his POPOF team in the DRC; they know what is needed to stop poaching, but they don't know how to execute those ideas at the scale required to end poaching. You can have the greatest strategy in the world, but if you don't have the people or finance in place to execute it effectively, the chances of failure remain high.
I often wish that authors would provide a concise distillation of their book to refer back to after reading the whole tome. A short version, highlighting the key takeaways, can be a helpful rapid remind and revise and point the reader back to specific chapters to reread in more detail. I’ve tried to do that here.
The illegal wildlife trade (IWT) is estimated to be worth up to $20 billion per year and threatens the survival of thousands of species of flora and fauna. The trade is facilitated by organized criminal groups, many of which are involved in other illicit activities, utilizing the same networks and routes to move IWT products. IWT increases the risk of future pandemics due to the risk of zoonotic disease transfer from wildlife to humans, and also entrenches corruption throughout the supply chain.
The trade can be broken down into two component parts: the act of poaching, including the capture of live animals; and the subsequent trade in the wildlife products, such as ivory, from point of capture to point of sale. Most of the funds from IWT come at the point of sale, with poachers often receiving only a few cents on the dollar of the overall trade. This leads source countries and communities to lose the economic benefits from conservation and taxation of legal businesses, but it also offers an opportunity to intervene at the lowest level to stop poaching at source. I argue that these low-level interventions are the most effective interventions; “save the animal to kill the trade”.
To help understand what is driving the trade, I set out two frameworks: the economic equation and the poacher's equation. The economic equation identifies the asymmetry in the trade, with exploitation cheap and lucrative, while conservation is expensive and poorly-funded, leading organized criminal groups to view the trade as low-risk and high-reward. The poacher's equation focuses on why an individual or community would poach or not, setting the potential gain against the potential loss, divided by the perceived risk of getting caught. By solving both of these equations we can help bring an end to IWT.
At a time of increasing environmental changes and geopolitical tensions, the need for collaboration in the Arctic is greater than ever. Top-down initiatives such as the Arctic Council have contributed to important increased collaboration and science diplomacy. Similarly, bottom-up initiatives have also played a major role in establishing diplomacy among researchers with spin-offs at government levels. We track the rise of science diplomacy achieved by INTERACT. In 2021, this was a network of 90 research stations in 18 countries (including all Arctic nations). It aims to improve the wellness of Indigenous Peoples, other Arctic residents and the global community by facilitating environmental monitoring and research. It supports scientists from around the world and facilitates environmental monitoring for more than 150 international/global networks. INTERACT contributed to science diplomacy until spring 2022 when the invasion of Ukraine by Russia completely changed its pan-Arctic networking over a couple of months. This decrease in INTERACT science diplomacy was due entirely to external constraints related to the current geopolitical circumstances and poses a new reality for INTERACT and its important contributions to environmental monitoring and research in a region where changes have global implications.
In political decision-making processes in Greenland, comparisons are often drawn with Denmark, Scandinavia, the Faroe Islands, and Iceland. With Greenland as a case, this article analyses a series of aspects across the societies to highlight the politics of comparisons, which are taken for granted, and to emphasise contextual conditions. Comparisons are central to cultural meaning-making and navigation with nation building strategies. We conclude that the current comparisons are significant in terms of explaining Greenland’s challenges with a vulnerable economy and with the sustainable use of natural and human resources. To utilise local resources and create a sustainable livelihood, there is a need to break from the existing trajectories based on the current politics of comparison to explore local conditions more carefully and find other models of inspiration. By developing the concept of island operation, the article unfolds distinct characteristics of the Greenlandic socio-economic structures and includes statistical data on trade, education, and the labour market to support the identification of conditions that can contribute to future analyses of Greenland’s sustainable development. This analysis has relevance for societies that share geographical and cultural conditions with Greenland and post-colonial countries that must deal with complex path dependencies to navigate towards sustainable development.
The earliest recorded observations of Antarctic icebergs occurred in 1688 and 1700 in the Gregorian New Style (NS) Calendar. The first sighting took place after Christmas 1687 in the Julian Old Style (OS) Calendar, when just north of the Antarctic Peninsula, Edward Davis observed “ice islands” with lengths of 5–10 km; the second occurred in February 1699 OS, when north of South Georgia, Edmond Halley observed and first sketched tabular icebergs. Although these were the earliest documented observations, because icebergs occur adjacent to New Zealand and South America, seagoing Māori and indigenous South Americans may have observed them eight centuries earlier. Davis and Halley’s observations were in the iceberg stream that flows to the east of the Antarctic Peninsula. Davis’s observations were the result of the Batchelor’s Delight being blown south from Cape Horn by a storm; his misadjusted compass meant they sailed east across instead of north through the stream. Comparison of Davis’s positions with satellite iceberg trajectories suggests his observations occurred at 62.5°S between 53.0° and 54.3°W. Davis assumed his icebergs were floating, but because Halley’s ice islands appeared stationary, he thought they were grounded, missing an opportunity to speculate on the existence of a southern ice-covered continent.
As the Arctic warms and growing seasons start to lengthen, governments and producers are speculating about northern “climate-driven agricultural frontiers” as a potential solution to food insecurity. One of the central ecological factors in northern spaces, however, is permafrost (perennial frozen ground), which can drive cascading environmental changes upon thaw. Considering the land requirements for expanded agriculture and the unique challenges of northern farming, national and subnational governments are grappling with and facilitating this speculative boom in different ways. Analysing agricultural land use policy instruments from the US State of Alaska and the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) in Russia, this paper investigates if and how permafrost factors into their legal frameworks and what impacts this has on agricultural development, conservation, and food security. Alaska and the Republic of Sakha were chosen for reasons including both having at least 100 years of agricultural history on permafrost soils, both containing extensive amounts of permafrost within their landmasses and both containing permafrost that is ice-rich. Comparing legal texts as indicative of state capacities and strategies to govern, the paper finds that the two regions diverge in how they understand and regulate permafrost, and suggests that these approaches could benefit from one another. Bringing together geoclimatic and sociocultural concerns to problematise static policy divisions, this paper gestures to a path forward wherein subnational policy can balance needs for food, environmental, and cultural security in the North.
The deaths in the Antarctic of Captains Robert Falcon Scott and Lawrence “Titus” Oates are the most examined in almost all exploration. However, one object, until today unknown, gives a clue to the real story of the last three days of the Terra Nova expedition leaders. This is the sextant that Captain Scott had with him throughout his career until his death, passed from Kathleen Scott to Peter Scott and thence to its current owner. The sextant, its history and the meaning of the relic are set out before the public for the first time.
Iceland was one of the last places in Europe to be settled. It thus has a relatively short population history as it was completely depopulated until about 871. Harsh climatic conditions, periodic epidemics, and numerous natural disasters were not conducive to robust population growth on the island. This article traces the demographic transition of Iceland’s population from the initial settlement to the present. This is the transition from high to low birth and death rates as a population modernises. Iceland has an impressive literary and historical record-keeping tradition beginning with the Saga Age in the 900s. It also has long had a well-developed statistical system which allows the study of population trends much further back in time than many countries. The results show slow population growth for much of Iceland’s history with many episodes of steep population decline. A series of technological innovations in the 19th century allowed the country to modernise, the population to grow, and its demographic situation to improve. Iceland has completed the demographic transition, the population is growing, in part due to high immigration, and it has some of the best demographic indicators in the world. Despite these favourable trends, the country faces some demographic challenges.
The Antarctic Treaty System has put in place international agreements to provide comprehensive protection of the Antarctic environment. Despite this high degree of protection, human presence on the continent has resulted in environmental contamination, particularly at locations established prior to the development of the more stringent codes of conduct in recent decades. Rehabilitation of legacy contaminated sites is a priority for environmental management, and a framework for such efforts has been established. In this contribution, we re-evaluate the rehabilitation of the site of the former Vanda Station, a New Zealand outpost occupied from 1969 to 1991. We describe the design and implementation of the restoration, which included the removal of many tonnes of contaminated soils and groundwater, along with the post-action monitoring of the site. Our goal is to determine where challenges to the use of recent guidelines would have arisen. We found that while guidelines on clean-up of contaminated sites in Antarctica are valuable, challenges to implementation remain. These largely reflect a lack of understanding of the consequences of contamination on Antarctic ecosystems and the trajectory of natural rehabilitation. We present recommendations on how to address some of these challenges.
The Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) faces serious demographic challenges. One of the most important among them is the imbalance of population flows within internal migration. This paper examines the patterns of internal migration in the Republic, based on the distribution of municipal districts (uluses) by economic zones designated by the authorities for administrative purposes. The six most common indices characterising the intensity of migration of the population were used for the analysis. The homogeneity of Yakutia’s districts according to these indices was tested using the van der Waerden test. The article reveals that the intensity of migration in Yakutia has increased since 2011. The financial crisis of 2008–2009 and the COVID-19 pandemic had a significant but temporary impact on internal migration in Yakutia. Only Yakutsk has experienced population growth due to internal migration throughout the period studied. The intensity of migration in the Arctic uluses was not statistically different from central and eastern uluses, but differed from the most economically developed districts in southern and western Yakutia. The Republic was homogeneous with respect to the balance of migration inflows and outflows, but there was considerable heterogeneity in terms of the impact of migration on the size of the population.
Arctic human settlements experience formidable challenges from accelerating climate change and environmental transformations. While these towns have demonstrated adaptive resilience, the looming threat of local climate extremes raises concerns about the results of adaptation and mitigation efforts. With the further development of Arctic settlements, it is necessary to consider changes in local climatic conditions, shifting the adaptation focus from regional to local scales. The local climate perspective in this literature synthesis study is built upon constraints from physical climatology, focused on the climate and environment within and around the town of Longyearbyen, Svalbard. The study provides insights into Longyearbyen’s local climate dynamics, including physical mechanisms, climate localisation, factors and trends, as well as their implications. Three model pathways for development are discussed, centred on (1) industrial development, (2) public services, and (3) tourism and conservation. This categorisation is introduced to distinguish development scenario sensitivity to the local climate effects. The synthesis indicates that any development concentrated spatially will amplify local warming and climate change, as positive climate feedback predominate. The study emphasises the need for a comprehensive understanding of the environmental factors sustaining local climatic anomalies.
The research aims to reconstruct a transnational history of Finn Malmgren’s contribution to the exploration of the Arctic, with a specific focus on the polar air expeditions of Norge (1926) and Italia (1928). The analysis of archive sources consulted in Italy, Norway, and Sweden sheds light on some key aspects of these two expeditions. In particular, the study of numerous unpublished documents – from the correspondence with personalities such as Umberto Nobile and Anna Nordenskjöld to the contemporary testimonies of Adalberto Mariano and Filippo Zappi – offers new insights into issues such as the international meteorological cooperation during the preparation of the Norge expedition and the march on the pack of Malmgren, Mariano and Zappi.