For most of the period from the end of the Ancien Régime to 1818, there was a form of state censorship of the stage: a bureaucratic censorship process. This chapter stretches as far back as 1402 to understand the culminative measures that shaped a play’s path on the eve of the Revolution – in both Paris and the provinces – before analysing the numerous and, at times, conflicting Revolutionary orders relating theatre surveillance. It argues that the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen (August 1789) transformed such censorship from a necessary part of the creative process to a coercive force. It also demonstrates that although the Revolution is remembered for the ‘freedom of the theatres’ with the law of 13 January 1791, bureaucratic censorship was swiftly reintroduced, and the process was expanded during the Revolutionary decade and solidified further under Napoleon and the Restoration.

David Foster Wallace’s work is soaked through with self-help practices – from Infinite Jest’s satirical-yet-serious portrayals of recovery culture to the critiques of self-absorbed personal growth cultures in his novels and stories and his more positive accounts of intergenerational advice transmission. Chapter 1 considers Wallace as writer and public advice giver, focusing on his posthumously published novel, The Pale King (2011), his 2005 commencement address at Kenyon College, and manuscripts from the Wallace archives, including an unpublished and unstudied letter composed in 1990 for James Harmon’s edited collection, Take My Advice: Recommendations for the Next Generation. I focus on Wallace’s lifelong engagement with self-help as a troubled but productive space through which to explore his concerns around public and private life, generational and gendered communications, and the transition to adult citizenship, and suggest that Wallace’s fantasies of advisory authority emerge, in part, as a response to the social fragmentation and individualism he attributes to post-1960s self-help.

Illuminating the collectively held sentiments and widely shared narratives of citizens in the Taegu-Kyǒngbuk and Gangnam regions, this chapter analyzes why these citizens have unwaveringly supported the conservative party and explains the spatial and popular basis of the right in South Korea. I argue that these citizens’ conservative political orientation and voting behaviors are shaped by the places where they interact daily with other members in their communities and cultivate a shared political identity. Using the two terms nostalgic loyalists and privileged materialists, I compare two primary conservative constituencies. The former share strong pride of place in Taegu-Kyǒngbuk as the hometown of the national modernizer Park Chung Hee and as the engine of rapid economic development during the Park Chung Hee regime, while the latter enjoy a sense of superiority and exclusivity deriving from living in Gangnam, a neighborhood that symbolizes wealth and cultured lifestyles.

Chapter 1 provides a detailed analysis of the interrogation document and what it reveals to us about, and as far as possible what can be verified regarding, Tivinat’s activities as a merchant and courier operating between France and England. The process of interrogation and the interests of the interrogator are also explored. In particular, examines Tivinat’s relationship with the household of the cardinal of Châtillon and identifies those to whom and from whom the letters were sent and the clandestine world in which these contacts were made. Other contemporary examples of similar interceptions are discussed to establish how typical or otherwise this case is and what they collectively tell us about the frequency and precarity of such communication. Above all, the necessity of identifying Tivinat’s supplier, Changy, is emphasised and undertaken at length, establishing that he was Hugues de Regnard, a Huguenot minister with well-established and widespread transnational connections with Calvinist church and noble leaders in several countries.

On the day of his second inauguration, on January 20, 2025, President Trump signed an executive order challenging the Fourteenth Amendment’s Citizenship Clause which grants United States citizenship to anyone who is born in the United States. This right of citizenship always has been considered as an automatic vesting of citizenship upon birth in the United States.

Impeachment by Congress is the principal Article I check on the presidency. Presidents also can be held accountable in federal courts and sometimes by state courts. These include suits for injunctive relief against the President such as the famous Youngstown Steel case. More recent cases include Boumediene v. Bush and Biden v. Nebraska. A separate category is when a president or former president is personally sued for money damages. In these scenarios we consider what special rules, if any, apply when the President is a defendant?

During and after the 2024 election, President Trump said he would lead a mass deportation of undocumented immigrants from the United States. The estimate for undocumented immigrants in the United States is approximately 11 million people. Their deportation, in addition to legal and humanitarian concerns, could destabilize the United States economy by causing a significant labor shortage, increasing food prices, construction, and other sectors that for years have relied heavily on labor of undocumented immigrants. This potentially pits Trump’s immigration policy against one of his other 2024 campaign promises, to reduce inflation.

In 1914 a new account of the revolt at Meerut appeared, authored by the erstwhile Mughal courtier Zahir Dehlvi. Dehlvi’s account, in Urdu, described a heated conversation between the rebel cavalrymen, fresh from Meerut, and the aged Mughal emperor, Bahadur Shah Zafar – whom the cavalrymen wished to elevate as the symbolic leader of their revolt. According to Dehlvi, the emperor, appalled at the reports of indiscriminate killing of the British at Meerut, asked what had possessed the men to behave in such a barbaric manner. The soldiers told the emperor about the offensive cartridge episode and the subsequent court-martial and imprisonment of their brethren. They pointed in particular to the “reckless” gender-inversion taunts of local women, which acted like fuel on fire and drove the cavalrymen mad with a desire for manly revenge. Significantly, Dehlvi described the women not as prostitutes of the bazaar but as “the women whose men had been imprisoned.” The chapter also examines the process of Dehlvi’s coming into possession of the story and, further, describes his escape from Dehli and years of wandering before ultimately settling in Hyderabad in the Deccan.

The OPTN Board of Directors adopted strategies to build support and administrative capacity for implementing continuous distribution (CD). It also sequenced implementation of CD by organ to ensure adequate staff support for committees, learn from early implementations, and gain “small wins.” Implementation of CD began with lungs, because of the relative simplicity of the lung categorical allocation rules and the success of the lung committee in making substantial rule changes in the past. The lung proposal was completed, and its subsequent revisions indicated CD flexibility. CD implementation began for the more complex kidney and pancreas allocation prior to the finalization of lung CD. The kidney and pancreas CD proposals were near completion when the CD initiative was put on hold because of concern about the nonuse of donated organs. CD development was also under way for the more politically challenging liver allocation when CD was put on hold. The lung CD success serves as a proof of concept for CD. The kidney, pancreas, and liver efforts show the challenges encountered in making substantial planned organizational change.