Bayesian modeling is pervasive in economics and cognitive science. I formalize a general notion of a Bayes model and illustrate it using a variety of examples.

This chapter discusses the first anatomically modern humans in the Caucasus (~40,000 YBP); Early Upper Paleolithic sites; the Middle to Upper Paleolithic transition; local Aurignacian industries; population dynamics during the Last Glacial Maximum; the Epipaleolithic of the Caucasus; early food production at Chokh; Upper Paleolithic to Neolithic cultural continuity; and the transition to food production.

Chapter 2 examines how the Mall in St James’s Park – the prime location for promenading in eighteenth-century London – became a key site for writers and artists who turned a humorous eye on the social ambitions of London’s middling sorts. Here, men and women congregated “to see and be seen, to censure and be censured”, as one account put it, and comic accounts of the promenade frequently describe the Mall as a battleground in which new, commercial wealth clashes with forms of inherited status. The literary and visual satires examined here respond to concerns about the blurring of distinctions by suggesting, albeit wishfully, that attempts by the middling sorts to imitate those higher up the social scale are always transparent, and true rank and status always reveals itself.

This chapter examines the relationship between ownership and power in the context of consumer identity and brand dynamics within the cultural landscape. Ownership extends beyond the legal possession of objects to include psychological territory where brands become integral to consumers’ self-identity and self-projection. This multifaceted concept of ownership is explored through the lens of various stakeholders – consumers, employees, and corporations – each wielding influence over brand perception and value. This chapter further explores how consumers, as stakeholders, gain power by shaping brand value and meaning, emphasising the role of community and collective identity in this process. With the advent of digital platforms even lurkers contribute to the brand’s narrative, challenging traditional notions of ownership and control.

This chapter explores how value creation is shifting. Amidst the saturated media environment where consumer attention is a prized commodity, brands face the challenge of standing out and maintaining relevance. Traditional metrics of competition such as price and quality are no longer sufficient differentiators; instead, brands are increasingly evaluated by their contributions to society and the authenticity of their engagement in cultural and social issues. In articulating the complexity of value in the context of brand and society, this chapter suggests that value is not merely about economic transactions but also involves co-creation with consumers and societal impact. It explores how brands are moving beyond traditional corporate social responsibility (CSR) towards more polarising and purpose-driven stances: that is, engaging in brand activism. This new dynamic places brands as facilitators of change, influencing culture and engaging with consumers on deeper ethical and moral grounds. Brand activism has implications on consumer perception and loyalty, where the importance of authenticity in brand activism is picked up on by consumers and can drive meaningful consumer/brand connections.

Most early colonial Bengali migrants travelled and worked under contract and experienced poor health, insecurity and desperation. Nevertheless, with the end of the indenture system, the government gradually introduced regulations to secure migrants’ welfare and interests. British Malaya offered new and extensive work opportunities in different plantations and mines, including rubber and tin mines. Though most workers were Chinese and Tamils, many came from northern India and Bengal. The ethnic identity of Bengali professionals and workers was often conflated with that of non-Bengalis, and their vocations were not officially recorded. However, piecemeal sources can help us to locate many Bengali professionals. This chapter examines various formal and informal occupations that Bengalis engaged in, shedding light on their vibrant presence in colonial and postcolonial Malaya.

At the Construction Site and Cattle Farm

The term ‘coolie’ is widespread in British colonial history in Asia. It broadly refers to hardworking labourers who performed menial jobs; however, the definition of coolie differs according to different perspectives and circumstances. I had used this term consciously and in a non-diminishing manner to reflect the professional category of labourers in colonial registers when they migrated as workers to British Malaya and other colonies. South Asian and Chinese coolies worked in construction sites and rubber estates in the Straits Settlements. Most South Asian coolies were Tamils, and most female coolies were ‘passive victims’ in the migration process and lived in the plantations. Alongside other South Asians, Bengali coolies worked in different sectors, including roads and railways, harbours and cattle farms. The Singapore Governor fully implemented the Indian Immigrants’ Protection Act in order to protect the well-being of labourers, in particular those who came from India and Bengal. L. H. Clayton, the Chairman of the Immigration Committee in Malaya, made provisions for social amenities for labourers and coolies. He showed a keen interest in employing Bengali coolies. However, he noted that the recruitment of Bengali coolies rested on the cooperation of the Indian government. I. R. Belilios (1846–1910), a cattle trader, recruited mostly Bengali5 clerks and coolies for his farm business, and their number significantly increased in the 1890s. Aristarchus Moses, an Armenian Jewish merchant, migrated from Calcutta to Singapore in 1820 and established a trading farm in 1840. Like Belilios, Moses employed Bengalis as stevedores and keepers at his house and warehouses.