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This article investigates changes in the right to social assistance – a means-tested cash support programme, regulated by the Social Services Act – for irregularised migrants over a period of four decades, 1982–2022. The article makes the case that austerity policies have hollowed out the right to support, with significant repercussions for those with irregularised residency status. In doing so, it draws on a range of empirical data to shed light on the dynamics of legal change over time and across various settings, identifying both continuities and critical turning points. The latter include shifts in national or local migration policies, and novel intersections between migration law and social law, epitomised by court judgments that have redrawn the lines of inclusion and exclusion in the sphere of rights holders. The article also highlights continuous issues concerning inconsistencies in the legal sources made used of by courts, neglect of children’s interests and needs, and an application of requirements for participation in work-related activities that disadvantage migrants and citizens alike. Ultimately, the article offers insights into how social rights can be preserved in the context of increasingly restrictive migration and social policies.
Although individuals with lower socio-economic position (SEP) have a higher prevalence of mental health problems than others, there is no conclusive evidence on whether mental healthcare (MHC) is provided equitably. We investigated inequalities in MHC use among adults in Stockholm County (Sweden), and whether inequalities were moderated by self-reported psychological distress.
Methods
MHC use was examined in 31,433 individuals aged 18–64 years over a 6-month follow-up period, after responding to the General Health Questionnaire-12 (GHQ-12) in 2014 or the Kessler Six (K6) in 2021. Information on their MHC use and SEP indicators, education, and household income, were sourced from administrative registries. Logistic and negative binomial regression analyses were used to estimate inequalities in gained MHC access and frequency of outpatient visits, with psychological distress as a moderating variable.
Results
Individuals with lower education or income levels were more likely to gain access to MHC than those with high SEP, irrespective of distress levels. Education-related differences in gained MHC access diminished with increasing distress, from a 74% higher likelihood when reporting no distress (odds ratio, OR = 1.74 [95% confidence interval, 95% CI: 1.43–2.12]) to 30% when reporting severe distress (OR = 1.30 [0.98–1.72]). Comparable results were found for secondary care but not primary care i.e., lower education predicted reduced access to primary care in moderate-to-severe distress groups (e.g., OR = 0.63 [0.45–0.90]), and for physical but not digital services. Income-related differences in gained MHC access remained stable or increased with distress, especially for secondary care and physical services.
Among MHC users, we found marginal socio-economic differences in the frequency of outpatient visits, and these differences decreased with increasing distress. Yet, having only primary education with severe distress was associated with fewer outpatient visits compared with having post-secondary education (rate ratio, RR = 0.82; 95% CI: 0.67–1.00). These inequities were especially evident among women and for visits to psychologists, counsellors, or psychotherapists.
Although lower-income groups used services more than others, they still had higher odds of not using services when reporting distress (i.e., those not in contact with services despite scoring ≥3 on the GHQ-12 or ≥8 on the K6; OR = 1.27; 95% CI: 1.15–1.40).
Conclusions
Overall, individuals with lower education and income used MHC services more than their counterparts with higher socio-economic status; however, low-educated individuals faced inequities in primary care and underutilized non-physician services such as visits to psychologists.
A popular refrain in many countries is that people with mental illnesses have “nowhere to go” for care. But that is not universally true. Previously unexplored international data shows that some countries provide much higher levels of public mental health care than others. This puzzling variation does not align with existing scholarly typologies of social or health policy systems. Furthermore, these cross-national differences are present despite all countries’ shared history of psychiatric deinstitutionalization, a process that I conceptualize and document using an original historical data set. I propose an explanation for countries’ varying policy outcomes and discuss an empirical strategy to assess it. The research design focuses on the cases of the United States and France, along with Norway and Sweden, in order to control for a range of case-specific alternative hypotheses. The chapter ends with brief descriptions of contemporary mental health care policy in each of the four countries examined in this book.
Although much can be learned by contrasting the paradigmatic and influential cases of US and French deinstitutionalization, some alternative explanations nevertheless remain. As an analytic check, this chapter tests the argument in two Scandinavian societies, Sweden and Norway, that share much in common and control for those explanations (e.g., statist welfare provision, ethnic homogeneity, a long history of social solidarity, and a powerful trade union movement). Despite the two countries’ similarities, Sweden’s supply of mental health care is significantly lower than that of Norway. The systems diverged in the 1990s, after the enactments of Sweden’s 1995 Psychiatry Reform and Norway’s 1996–7 Mental Health Care Escalation Plan. This chapter contrasts the politics of these two reforms, showing how the absence of a public labor–management coalition produced a negative supply-side policy feedback loop in Sweden and its presence produced a positive loop in Norway. It concludes by assessing the major alternative explanations, including the counterargument that Norway’s access to rich oil revenues over-determined the outcomes in that country.
In September 2023, the trial at Stockholm District Court against Orrön Energy (previously Lundin Energy) and two corporate directors for complicity in war crimes in Sudan between 1999 and 2003, started. The Lundin case is part of a trend of attempts to hold corporations criminally accountable for their alleged involvement in serious human rights abuses and provides a unique opportunity to assess the possibilities of such attempts in relation to the rights of the victims. This article analyzes how human rights obligations and the objectives of reparations for victims are satisfied by Swedish law and practice in the Lundin trial. It shows that while the law allows victims participating in trial to put forward civil claims, it denies this right to the large number of victims not participating, and the decision early in the Lundin proceedings to separate damage claims from the criminal trial has left the participating victims effectively denied reparations.
The Welfare Workforce is a thought-provoking exploration of mental health care in the United States and beyond. Although all the affluent democracies pursued deinstitutionalization, some failed to provide adequate services, while others overcame challenges of stigma and limited resources and successfully expanded care. Isabel M. Perera examines the role of the “welfare workforce” in providing social services to those who cannot demand them. Drawing on extensive research in four countries – the United States, France, Norway, and Sweden – Perera sheds light on post-industrial politics and the critical part played by those who work for the welfare state. A must-read for anyone interested in mental health care, social services, and the politics of welfare, The Welfare Workforce challenges conventional wisdom and offers new insights into the complex factors that contribute to the success or failure of mental health care systems. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
This chapter is a study of the Swedish Tax Agency work with mottos and shows how the STA has increasingly legitimised their work with the Swedish taxpayers. It reveals how a tax administration has responded to contemporary politics, which tax compliance research has been applied, and its adaptation to contemporary trends in public organization, while paying attention to how taxpayers view them. It also shows how a tax administration adapts to societal change, and how the mottos over time convey messages about the importance of taxes for Swedish society and which types of individual – moral – behaviour are seen to constitute society. These fiscal mottos are thus imperative as they make, in Douglas Holmes’ words, ‘promises of a distinctive social order’, one where all taxpayers ought to be willing to pay their taxes due to society and trust that all other taxpayers are made to do the same.
This book examines how, and under what conditions, states – in collaboration with non-state actors – can govern a societal transformation toward large-scale decarbonization in line with the goals of the Paris Agreement. It advances an innovative analytical framework on how the state governs through collaborative climate governance to foster cooperation, deliberation, and consensus between state and non-state actors. The book focuses on Sweden, which aims to become a fossil-free state. The chapters analyze Sweden's progress toward net-zero emissions, its role in international climate governance, and how the COVID-19 pandemic affected climate networks. Providing valuable policy insights for other countries endeavoring to decarbonize, this book is a useful reference for graduate students and researchers in climate governance, political science, and international relations. It is one of a series of publications associated with the Earth System Governance Project. For more publications, see www.cambridge.org/earth-system-governance. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
Drug use Disorder (DUD), the risk for which is substantially influenced by both genetic and social factors, is geographically concentrated in high-risk regions. An important step toward understanding this pattern is to examine geographical distributions of the genetic liability to DUD and a key demographic risk factor – social deprivation.
Methods
We calculated the mean family genetic risk score (FGRS) for DUD ((FGRSDUD) and social deprivation for each of the 5983 areas Demographic Statistical Areas (DeSO) for all of Sweden and used geospatial techniques to analyze and map these factors.
Results
Using 2018 data, substantial spatial heterogeneity was seen in the distribution of the genetic risk for DUD in Sweden as a whole and in its three major urban centers which was confirmed by hot-spot analyses. Across DeSOs, FGRSDUD and s.d. levels were substantially but imperfectly correlated (r = + 0.63), with more scattering at higher FGRSDUD and s.d. scores. Joint mapping across DeSOs for FGRSDUD and s.d. revealed a diversity of patterns across Sweden. The stability of the distributions of FGRSDUD and s.d. in DeSOs within Sweden over the years 2012–2018 was quite high.
Conclusions
The geographical distribution of the genetic risk to DUD is quite variable in Sweden. DeSO levels of s.d. and FRGSDUD were substantially correlated but also disassociated in a number of regions. The observed patterns were largely consistent with known trends in the human geography of Sweden. This effort lays the groundwork for further studies of the sources of geographic variation in rates of DUD.
The aim of this study was to understand how and why relational welfare works to support young people who are not in employment, education or training (NEET). It builds on research discussing the limitations of work-first and human capital strategies in social policy while responding to calls for theory-driven insights into initiatives that move beyond employability and rapid employment. The material for this realist evaluation includes programme documents, fieldnotes and 75 interviews with practitioners and participants in community-based multicomponent initiatives delivered by Swedish municipalities. These data were scrutinised against programme theories while integrating literature on relational welfare as underpinned by co-creation and capability approaches. The results illustrate how flexible, challenging and coordinated programming strengthen beings and doings of young people in NEET situations while improving their wellbeing by overcoming isolation and forming a future orientation. The study provides guidance for supporting NEET-situated young people through a relational approach to welfare. It also offers a model against which local initiatives provided to a youth group high on the policy agenda can be mapped.
Collaborative climate governance has emerged as a promising approach to address the urgent need for decarbonization. Here, we summarize the book’s findings on the complex interplay between states and non-state actors in the pursuit of climate goals, using Sweden as a case study. Collaborative governance can effectively engage industry, cities, and other stakeholders in climate politics, yet it falls short in achieving transformative change. The success of collaborative climate governance is influenced by broader political, economic, and social context and calls for a critical examination of its applicability in diverse settings. Looking beyond Sweden, we identify three main research avenues. Firstly, we emphasize the need to engage with the challenge to institutionalize and sustain climate commitments. Secondly, we encourage scholars to explore democratic innovations to address contestation within collaborative governance. Finally, we call for a deeper exploration of how external shocks and crises serve as catalysts or barriers to decarbonization.
This chapter examines the role of the state in collaborative governance as well as the mix between hard (regulation) and soft modes of governance (orchestration) to achieve decarbonization in Sweden after the adoption of the 2017 Climate Policy Framework. The chapter focuses on state-led transformation and critically examines Sweden’s progress toward its overarching goal to become the first fossil-free welfare state by 2045. It investigates Sweden’s national strategies and governance modes to achieve decarbonization and overcome carbon lock-ins through institutional, economic, technological, and behavioral transformation. It concludes that Sweden’s path to decarbonization – like many other countries – resembles more of an incremental transition limited to certain sectors rather than the wholesale transformation toward achieving a fossil-free society.
This chapter provides an overview of the aims and research questions guiding this book. It introduces key terms and concepts and outlines the main contributions of the book. The chapter explains why the complex relations between state and non-state actors are crucial to understanding the implementation of the Paris Agreement. It provides a background to understanding the role of collaborative climate governance in the post-Paris governance landscape by highlighting the international context and describing Sweden’s climate policy framework. Finally, it provides a brief overview of each chapter in the book.
This investigation sheds light on the social history of pathogenic dirt and its significance for shaping medical practices during the nineteenth century. It consists of an analysis focusing on Swedish medicine, using 8800 yearly reports written 1820–1900 by Swedish provincial doctors for the National Board of Health in Stockholm. The main argument is that the provincial doctors’ perceptions of the relationship between dirt and health during this century can be better understood by focusing on similarities in the handling of different kinds of pathological dirt over the course of many decades, rather than seeing interest in cleanliness as something mostly unprecedented. A novel cleanliness regime became dominant during the latter third of the century, meant to counter a new hybrid between everyday dirt – bodily emanations from healthy bodies – and matter believed to have caused miasmatic and contagionistic disease. New ideas about filth and its impact on health played a crucial role in the development of public health and sanitation movements, and were a precondition for everyday dirt becoming a central medical problem around the turn of the twentieth century, but as is shown, they built on old precedents. Thus, the miasmatic and contagionistic approach to disease shaped conceptions of hygiene and cleanliness.
The Paleoproterozoic Stollberg Zn-Pb-Ag plus magnetite ore field contains SVALS-type stratabound, limestone-skarn hosted sulphide deposits within volcanic (bimodal felsic and mafic rocks)/volcaniclastic rocks metamorphosed to the amphibolite facies. The sulphide ores consist of semi-massive to disseminated to vein-network sphalerite-galena and pyrrhotite (with subordinate pyrite, chalcopyrite, arsenopyrite and magnetite). Thermochemical considerations and stabilities of minerals in the systems K-Al-Si-O-H and Fe-S-O and sulphur isotope values for sulphides of δ34SVCDT = +1.12 to +5.71 ‰ suggest that sulphur most likely formed by inorganic reduction of seawater sulphate that was carried in hydrothermally modified seawater fluid under the following approximate physicochemical conditions: T = 250o–350 oC, δ34SΣS = +3 ‰, I = ∼1 m NaCl and a total dissolved S content of ∼0.01 to 0.1 moles/kg H2O. However, a magmatic contribution of sulphur cannot be discounted. Carbon and oxygen isotope compositions of calcite in altered rocks spatially associated with mineralisation show values of δ13CVPDB = −2.3 to −0.8 ‰ and δ18OVSMOW = +9.5 to +11.2 ‰, with one anomalous sample exhibiting values of δ13CVPDB = −0.1 ‰ and δ18OVSMOW = +10.9 ‰. Most carbonates in ore show lighter C and O isotope values than those of Proterozoic (Orosirian) limestones and are likely the result of premetamorphic hydrothermal alteration involving modified seawater followed by decarbonation during regional metamorphism. The isotopically light C and O isotope values are consistent with those for carbonates spatially associated with other SVALS-type deposits in the Bergslagen ore district and suggest that such values may be used for exploration purposes.
Major spent his career in a strategic borderland where knowledge was embroiled in long-running territorial disputes. Competing princes built collections, laboratories, and intelligence-gathering networks in attempts to strengthen the resources of the land and their hold upon it. Their rival attempts to found global colonies and establishing long-distance trading networks entangled tightly with their global collections. The Gottorf dukes intended the new university to be another fixture of a state-building apparatus that already included glassworks, a chymical laboratory, extensive gardens, a celebrated collection, a planetarium, and an impressive library. These nearby facilities offered the University of Kiel sophisticated resources. They also illustrated the dangers of intertwining knowledge tightly with use. The shifting political situation allowed and even required scholars to seek beyond a single patron for support. This setting can illuminate Major’s attempts to defend academic independence, to develop audiences across rival states and a broader public, and to develop "unprejudiced" approaches.
Guided by Pierre Bourdieu’s theoretical approaches of symbolic capital and symbolic violence, this article examines the everyday mechanisms of ‘otherising’ language practices in schools that reinforce racism against marginalised youths in Sweden. The empirical material is based on focus group discussions and individual in-depth interviews with youths with migrant backgrounds in Sweden. The stories told by the participants in this study indicate how young people with immigrant backgrounds are discursively racialised and otherised as a group that does not belong to Swedish society, through the articulation of negative opinions, attitudes, and ideologies as part of established colonial discourses. It is argued that the marginalisation of migrants in Sweden, which is a consequence of social policy, has even resulted in utilisation of a marginalised language — one that deviates from the majority language in several different ways.
This article focuses on the circulation of knowledge about epilepsy in Sweden between 1915 and 1940. During the period medical research on epilepsy increased, which simultaneously brought a new degree of specialisation and distinction between branches of medicine. The aim of this article is to study the impact of new medical knowledge about epilepsy on the treatment and education of children with epilepsy in Sweden. In order to concretise the aim, the study focuses on the asylum Margarethahemmet. The key source material consists of Margarethahemmet’s annual reports and yearbooks. The minutes of the meetings of the Swedish General Association for the Care of the Feebleminded and Epileptic for the period 1915–1938 have been used as supplementary material. In order to trace the impact of medical discoveries on Margarethahemmet’s operations, contemporary scientific articles, mostly from Germany, have also been used. The article demonstrates how new research and new knowledge was sought internationally and nationally, to provide doctors and special teachers at the asylum with a proper knowledge about education, care and treatment for children with epilepsy. The increased understanding of the disease directly impacted the ability of a stigmatized group – people with epileptic disorder – to actively participate in society on the same terms as others.
Norman analyzes Swedish social democratic thinking in the 1930s and the form that Weimar lessons took there. Focusing on the writings of Alva and Gunnar Myrdal, both enormously influential intellectual figures for social democracy during this period, it traces how the re-evaluation of democratic politics informed by Weimar’s collapse that occurred elsewhere shaped Swedish social democracy. From the analysis of social democratic thought in Sweden emerges a more general point regarding analogical reasoning and lesson-drawing in politics. The Swedish self-image as an avant-garde in rational social reform provided a degree of blindness that reduced the scope for critical self-reflection. Its unique position in Europe during the 1930s and 1940s allowed social democracy to play out unbounded in its self-perceived rationality in what could be achieved through state intervention, allowing for both highly progressive reforms and more troubling and intrusive aspects of social programs.
This article studies a previously unknown asset market in eighteenth-century Sweden. It emerged as a result of a partial default in 1719, when large amounts of recently released fiat coins were converted into government liabilities. These could only be redeemed as a customs duty on international trade, the licent. As merchants had to acquire such assets to conduct their trade, tens of thousands of transactions were carried out on a secondary market over a period of more than 45 years. Networks of local merchants bought assets from initial holders and sold them on to intermediaries or merchants, who deposited the liabilities with a newly established government agency, the Debt Office. Here, hundreds of account holders could transfer the value of their deposits between them. When a licent payment was due, the amount was deducted from the merchant's account. Prices on the liabilities were low and sometimes volatile, but the long-term trend was rising. We have distinguished three types of market participants: a small group of very active users, most of them professional dealers or brokers; merchants who traded on a regular basis as they needed to pay the licent, or when a favorable opportunity appeared; and finally, those who traded sporadically. The emergence of this market was part of a financial expansion that occurred in many European countries at the same time, the closest equivalent being the segmented default in France after the abolition of John Law's system. This study aims to broaden our understanding of eighteenth-century financial developments, which have rarely been studied in a semi-peripheral European economy.