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Most psychologists would agree that psychology as an experimental science begins with Wilhelm Wundt’s establishment of the world’s first psychological research laboratory at the University of Leipzig in 1879. In 1979, the centennial of the Leipzig laboratory’s founding was recognized in the United States, Canada, England, France, Germany, Brazil, and Japan. The American Psychological Association issued a special minting of a gold medal bearing Wundt’s portrait on the obverse and proclaiming “a century of science” on the reverse. A safe prediction is that in 2029, the 150th anniversary of that founding will be widely recognized and celebrated by psychologists throughout the world. Who then was Wundt and how did he come to establish that laboratory? In photographs a bearded, distinguished-looking Wilhelm Wundt gazes calmly through wire-rimmed glasses. He seems the very model of a nineteenth-century German “Herr Professor.” Wundt is usually identified as the “founder of psychology” or the “world’s first true psychologist.” It is appropriate that Wundt is the first psychologist we will consider.
The aim of this chapter is to map how other comparative fields have produced a remarkable amount of research that should be of interest to comparative lawyers. It should also be noted, however, that the present account of ‘implicit comparative law’ is highly condensed and selective. Thus, while this chapter can provide a critical introduction into these areas of research, it is clear that it may well be possible to write entire books about many of its themes.
In his research conducted before, during, and after the Russian Revolution of 1917, Pavlov established the paradigms of classical (respondent) conditioning and reported results that are basic to an understanding of learning. Pavlov had wide research interests. He was an important influence on the historical development of psychology. In the United States, Watson too was involved in a revolution but in his case a revolution within psychology. While his career in psychology was relatively short, Watson’s behaviorist revolution was a major influence on the development of psychology, especially in the United States. How did the conditioned reflex model provide behaviorism with an alternative way of explaining human action? Why did it displace earlier schools of psychology (structuralism and functionalism), and cause psychologists to abandon (at least temporarily) explanations of behavior that were based in descriptions of conscious experiences? In this chapter we consider that transition.
Written for use in teaching and for self-study, this book provides a comprehensive and pedagogical introduction to groups, algebras, geometry, and topology. It assimilates modern applications of these concepts, assuming only an advanced undergraduate preparation in physics. It provides a balanced view of group theory, Lie algebras, and topological concepts, while emphasizing a broad range of modern applications such as Lorentz and Poincaré invariance, coherent states, quantum phase transitions, the quantum Hall effect, topological matter, and Chern numbers, among many others. An example based approach is adopted from the outset, and the book includes worked examples and informational boxes to illustrate and expand on key concepts. 344 homework problems are included, with full solutions available to instructors, and a subset of 172 of these problems have full solutions available to students.
Comparative Law offers a thorough grounding in the subject for students and scholars alike, covering essential academic discussions and comparative law methodology. It critically debates both traditional and modern approaches to the discipline and uses examples from a range of jurisdictions to give the reader a truly global perspective. Its contextualised and interdisciplinary approach draws on examples from politics, economics and other social sciences to provide an original contribution to topics of comparative law. This new third edition is fully revised to reflect developments in the scholarship and includes two new chapters, balancing the book's structure between comparative law of the past, present and future. Suitable for students taking courses in comparative law and related fields, this book offers a fresh and cosmopolitan perspective on the subject.
How are children raised in different cultures? What is the role of children in society? How are families and communities structured around them? Now in its third edition, this deeply engaging book delves into these questions by reviewing and cataloging the findings of over 100 years of anthropological scholarship dealing with childhood and adolescence. It is organized developmentally, moving from infancy through to adolescence and early adulthood, and enriched with anecdotes from ethnography and the daily media, to paint a nuanced and credible picture of childhood in different cultures, past and present. This new edition has been expanded and updated with over 350 new sources, and introduces a number of new topics, including how children learn from the environment, middle childhood, and how culture is 'transmitted' between generations. It remains the essential book to read to understand what it means to be a child in our complex, ever-changing world.
Through this book, upper undergraduate mathematics majors will master a challenging yet rewarding subject, and approach advanced studies in algebra, number theory and geometry with confidence. Groups, rings and fields are covered in depth with a strong emphasis on irreducible polynomials, a fresh approach to modules and linear algebra, a fresh take on Gröbner theory, and a group theoretic treatment of Rejewski's deciphering of the Enigma machine. It includes a detailed treatment of the basics on finite groups, including Sylow theory and the structure of finite abelian groups. Galois theory and its applications to polynomial equations and geometric constructions are treated in depth. Those interested in computations will appreciate the novel treatment of division algorithms. This rigorous text 'gets to the point', focusing on concisely demonstrating the concept at hand, taking a 'definitions first, examples next' approach. Exercises reinforce the main ideas of the text and encourage students' creativity.
Connecting theory with practice, this systematic and rigorous introduction covers the fundamental principles, algorithms and applications of key mathematical models for high-dimensional data analysis. Comprehensive in its approach, it provides unified coverage of many different low-dimensional models and analytical techniques, including sparse and low-rank models, and both convex and non-convex formulations. Readers will learn how to develop efficient and scalable algorithms for solving real-world problems, supported by numerous examples and exercises throughout, and how to use the computational tools learnt in several application contexts. Applications presented include scientific imaging, communication, face recognition, 3D vision, and deep networks for classification. With code available online, this is an ideal textbook for senior and graduate students in computer science, data science, and electrical engineering, as well as for those taking courses on sparsity, low-dimensional structures, and high-dimensional data. Foreword by Emmanuel Candès.
Among the foundational projects in the study of childhood and culture is the “Six Cultures” survey from the late 1960s. Observational data were collected to map children’s daily activity in six village/small town settings around the world. Only in the single US middle-class community of “Orchard Town” were children not routinely engaged in chores (Whiting and Whiting 1975: 84). Nowhere are the gerontocracy and neontocracy perspectives further apart than on the issue of work.2 Indeed, “the dissociation of childhood from the performance of valued work is considered a yardstick of modernity” (Nieuwenhuys 1996: 237). While we hamstring our children to keep them from working, fearing their loss of innocence and studiousness, the norm elsewhere is to open the pathway to adulthood.
When international organizations were first established in the nineteenth century, they were largely seen as self-contained entities, performing functions for their member states but not much else. What was relevant was the set-up of each and every individual organization; nothing more, nothing less. The idea of such organizations entering into arrangements with other organizations, or even with third states, was for a long time considered anathema.
The growth and development of the United Nations as the major universal organisation has been accompanied by a no less dramatic increase in the number and range of organisations with membership drawn from the states of a particular region. Such regional organisations frequently become involved in the resolution of disputes.1 Sometimes this is because dispute settlement has been defined as a goal of the organisation. Article 4(e) of the Constitutive Act of the African Union, for example, lays down as one of its aims the peaceful resolution of conflicts between member states, and similar provisions can be found in the constitutions of other organisations. But even organisations whose primary concern is with matters of no present relevance may find themselves involved in some form of settlement activity. For bringing states together in an institutional setting provides the parties to a dispute with an opportunity to settle their differences and regional neighbours with the chance to add their encouragement, assistance and pressure as an incentive.
The present chapter, and the two that follow, will largely address the position of international organizations vis-à-vis the outside world, discussing three broad issues. First, this chapter will be devoted to whether organizations can conclude treaties, and on what basis. The next chapter will discuss with whom they enter into relations, and the subsequent chapter will analyse what will (or may) happen if something goes wrong in relations between an international organization and some other actor.
In Chapter 2 we saw that a computer performs computation by processing instructions. A computer instruction set must include a variety of features to achieve flexible programmability, including varied arithmetic and logic operations, conditional computation, and application-defined data structures. As a result, the execution of each instruction requires a number of steps: instruction fetch and decode, arithmetic or logic computation, read or write memory, and determination of the next instruction. The instruction set definition is a contract between software and hardware, the fundamental software–hardware interface, that enables software to be portable. After portability, the next critical attribute is performance, so computer hardware is designed to execute instructions as fast as possible.