When, at a meeting held in Phnom Penh in April 2011 the Lao government bowed to pressure from Vietnam and Cambodia and agreed to suspend until 2011 its decision to construct a dam at Xayaburi, a location on the Mekong River between Luang Prabang and Vientiane, the issue of the river's future was brought into sharp relief. For what was involved in the discussion that took place in Phnom Penh was an unresolved debate about how one of the world's great rivers would function in the future. Was it to continue as a major resource of food for the populations living in the Lower Mekong Basin or LMB (The area which drains into the Mekong in Laos, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam, but not Burma which ‘tilts’ away from the river)? Or was it to become a source of hydroelectric power, even if this meant destroying the combined bounty of fish and agricultural production that the Mekong has rendered up over thousands of years? At the time of writing, in June 2011, this issue remains far from resolved. In the text thatfollows, I have attempted to place contemporary developments in their historical context and to argue that embracing the second alternative — the development of hydropower as the choice for the future — carries with it risks of the most fundamental kind for the 60 million inhabitants of the LMB who are so reliant on the river.

THE RIVER AND ITS HISTORY

The Mekong, a name that is a contraction from the Thai Me Nam Khan, the ‘Mother of the Waters’, is frequently and correctly spoken of as Southeast Asia's longest river. For some 2,250 kilometres, or 46 per cent, of its total 4,900 kilometres length does indeed flow through Southeast Asia. But the other 44 per cent of its course runs through Chinese territory, since it rises high in the eastern plateau of Tibet, at an elevation of over 5,000 metres, and flows east and then south through Yunnan province.

INTRODUCTION

Buddhism has had a long history in the country we now call Cambodia. Inscriptional and archaeological evidence suggest that it was already well established by the fifth century of the Common Era (CE) when the lower Mekong appears to have become a significant entrepôt in the passage of Buddhist ideas and material culture from India to the Middle Kingdom. In the Angkorian period Buddhist influence waxed and waned, sometimes thriving in a syncretic nexus with Brahmanical beliefs and practices, at others playing an important role in the rituals of state. The zenith of this Mahayanist and Tantric state-supported Buddhism coincided with the reign of Jayavarman VII (c. 1243–95) and declined swiftly following the fall of Angkor in the first decades of the fifteenth century. From this point on, and largely as a result of rising Siamese influence in the region, a grassroots, village-oriented form of Therava¯da Buddhism took hold, and this has continued to be the dominant religion until the present. However, Cambodia's Theravāda tradition never remained static. It underwent a small, Bangkok-inspired renaissance during the reign of King Ang Duang (1848–60), while its bureaucratic structures were modified and its educational facilities enhanced during the French colonial and early Independence periods.

As is now well known, Buddhist institutions were dissolved during the Democratic Kampuchea era, many thousands of monks lost their lives, and religious practice, where it occurred at all, was entirely hidden from public gaze. With the demise of the Pol Pot regime and establishment of the People's Republic of Kampuchea [PRK] in early 1979, organised Buddhism gradually re-emerged, although for the next decade it was obliged to operate within a strictly socialist setting. This meant that the activity of the monkhood (saṅgha) was largely restricted to the patriotic, nation-building role assigned to it by the government. Despite these restrictions there is good evidence that Buddhism rapidly regained its relevance at the popular level. This was most apparent in regard to a greatly felt need to perform funerary rites for those who had perished during the country's appalling upheavals. Knowing that relatives had not been properly cremated, thus effecting transition to a new form of rebirth, appears to have been a great psychological burden.

INTRODUCTION

In the past decade, Cambodia has undergone a remarkable political transformation and has been able to generate robust economic growth. However, the country still faces persistent poverty issues. Poverty in Cambodia has largely resulted from insecurity, inadequate opportunities, low capabilities, vulnerability, and social exclusion, according to the National Poverty Reduction Strategy (NPRS).

Therefore, in Cambodia, the term “poverty” has become rooted in multifaceted dimensions; it is not only associated with a lack of income by households or individuals to meet basic needs or achieve an acceptable standard of living, but also with exposure to vulnerabilities to outside forces and a lack of access to opportunities, as well as social inclusiveness that these individuals do not enjoy. It includes having insufficient food and nutrition, lack of shelter and clothing, no access to healthcare or education, and the lack of wealth-creating assets such as land and rural credit. In addition, among the root causes of poverty in Cambodia are protracted conflicts and isolation, inability to benefit from economic growth, and having no sense of representation in the social mainstream. The effects of the multi-dimensions of poverty are manifested through such symptoms as: hunger, inequality, low capacity, social exclusion, and corruption.

NEW PARADIGM

It is obvious that poverty is a stain on the nation's soul and its corrosive effects not only contribute to human misery but also deprives the country of resources that would otherwise contribute to the future wealth and well-being of the Kingdom. National pride demands that Cambodia moves beyond the status of a poor aid-dependent country near the bottom of the world league table to that of a nation that can sustain progress and lift its entire population out of poverty. To achieve this aim, a set of institutional and policy frameworks will be required and, of necessity, a recalibration of the mindset that tends to put emphasis on sustaining the perceived requirements of the state rather than responding to the demands of the citizens. Reducing poverty depends primarily on the principle that development is first about people, and the need to view government's actions and development assistance from this perspective. Accordingly, this short paper on “Managing Poverty in Cambodia” is written in the hope that it will serve both as a spur and as a template for further work.

This timely book commemorates the Twentieth Anniversary of the October 1991 Paris Peace Agreement on Cambodia. The Paris Conference on Cambodia itself was the high-water achievement and culmination of a long and determined campaign by the ASEAN countries to bring about a peaceful and negotiated settlement of the Cambodian conflict. It succeeded where previous attempts had failed, primarily because the international, regional and domestic Cambodian parties were now supportive of a negotiated peace settlement. Various papers in this book describe how the various factors fell into place, which enabled the many participants to be ready to accept an UN-organized, Permanent Five UNSC members-brokered, Cambodian factions-accepted peace settlement.

Cambodia was one of the first major challenges confronting the decade old ASEAN, to test how it would face up to the question of whether ASEAN could countenance the overthrow of a small state in its region by armed force. What about its hallowed principles, such as the non-use of force to settle disputes; of respect for the territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence of all states; of the use of consultation, consensus and dialogue to settle disputes? It was because of these deeply-held principles that ASEAN decided to oppose the foreign invasion and occupation of Cambodia for over a decade, until the conditions were ripe for a peaceful settlement.

Now that the UNTAC PKO and UN-supervised general elections of 1993 have peacefully come and gone, key questions remain, such as: what is the state of Cambodia today, eighteen years later, and after millions of dollars in ODA by various countries and generous assistance by numerous NGOs have been provided to Cambodia to recover and reconstruct its economy and society? What will be the future of Cambodia in the 21st Century? The various papers in this volume seek to address these complex issues of socio-economic development, of human resource development, of good governance, and of Cambodia's foreign relations. The story of the liberation and reconstruction of Cambodia is one of the noblest achievements of the international community and one of ASEAN's finest successes, and it is a story well told within this book.

That is not to say, however, that there are no difficulties or that all sides are happy with the current situation within the Kingdom of Cambodia.

HISTORICAL TIES BETWEEN CAMBODIA AND SINGAPORE

Historically, Singapore has been a time-tested friend of Cambodia. Diplomatic relations between our two countries were established on 10 August 1965 — a day after Singapore became independent, thus making the Kingdom of Cambodia one of the very first countries to recognize the independent Republic of Singapore.

The diplomatic ties were cut in 1975, but were resumed on 18 January 1992. However, during this interregnum, Singapore maintained trade relations with Cambodia. In the 1980s, Cambodia had to endure an economic embargo following the demise of the Khmer Rouge regime. The trade and economic relations with Singapore provided crucial support to Cambodia during this difficult period. The timely humanitarian assistance that was provided to Cambodia and channelled through Singapore during the 1980s allowed Cambodia to embark on rehabilitation and reconstruction activities in key economic sectors.

Singapore and Cambodia have enjoyed excellent bilateral relations, strengthened over the years through exchanges of state visits between Heads of State and government leaders of the two countries. The foundation of our close relationship was shaped by His Majesty King-Father Norodom Sihanouk and His Excellency Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew. The then Prime Minister Lee was a frequent visitor to Cambodia and was conferred a doctorate honoris Causa by the Royal University of Cambodia in December 1967 for his contributions to strengthening Cambodia-Singapore relations. Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen officially visited Singapore in 2000, while Singaporean Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong paid an official visit to Cambodia in May 2001. Mr Goh's visit resulted in: i) The promotion of Singapore foreign direct investment to Cambodia, ii) The enhancing of human resource development in Cambodia and iii) The Provision of a Tourism Development Master Plan for the Cambodian government. His Excellency Singapore President S. R. Nathan paid a state visit to Cambodia in February 2003 at the invitation of His Majesty King-Father Norodom Sihanouk. His Majesty King Norodom Sihamoni paid a state visit to Singapore in March 2006. In March 2005, Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong paid a visit to Cambodia. Frequent exchanges of visits by the leaders of Cambodia and Singapore have helped further solidify the already excellent bilateral relations between the two countries and their people.

Japan's various roles in the past decades in Cambodia may be underestimated and underreported, as Japan remains relatively low-profile and quiet about its activities. Stated briefly, Japan's roles in Cambodia include the following:

1. • Peace-Building: through its efforts in UNTAC

2. • Peace-Making: through its roles in organizing the Tokyo Informal meetings; reaching out to the Heng Samrin regime; and its participation in the 1991 Paris Peace Conference on Cambodia;

3. • National Reconciliation: Through its efforts to achieve reconciliation between Hun Sen and Prince Ranariddh in the July 1997 power struggle.

JAPAN'S PEACE BUILDING EFFORTS IN CAMBODIA

Peace-building efforts in Cambodia were Japan's first foray in this area, and also served as a model for Japanese efforts to address other domestic conflicts in various parts of Asia. It was in Cambodia that Japan gained valuable experience, national self-confidence and institutional knowledge in the whole range of inter-related areas of peace-building: diplomatic negotiations to achieve a peace agreement; operationalising the peace agreement through the dispatch of Japanese personnel (including sending Self Defence Forces personnel abroad for the first time since WW2) to support UNTAC; the provision of funds and personnel for socio-economic reconstruction in Cambodia; and critical mediation in the July 1997 crisis caused by a power struggle between Cambodian factions. Three key components of Japanese peace-building efforts were: ODA; Japanese diplomacy, and unprecedented participation in UN peace-keeping operations. Cambodia also saw the first instance of Japanese pro-active diplomacy in the 1990s. According to the Japanese Foreign Ministry, Cambodia was the first full-scale peace-building assistance program undertaken by Japan.

The Japanese Foreign Ministry considered the Cambodian experience to be successful in three aspects, namely:

1. • Firstly, Japan showed tenacity, patience and determination from 1978 to 1991, to help address the Cambodia conflict, which was the greatest challenge facing Southeast Asia, and contributed greatly to the implementation of the political solution via the 1991 Paris Peace Conference and UNTAC;

2. • Secondly, tackling the Cambodian conflict successfully was a demonstration of how the Fukuda doctrine should operate, as it envisaged an active Japanese role in bridging the gap between the non-Communist ASEAN member states, and the Indochinese states, and thus promoting regional peace, stability and prosperity.

INTRODUCTION

Countless challenges have arisen in the efforts to create a court with jurisdiction to try “senior Khmer Rouge leaders and those who were most responsible” for the crimes committed during their regime within Cambodia. These efforts were met with scepticism by those who considered judicial intervention either impossible or meaningless in a country such as Cambodia. Despite all this, the long-awaited time for justice in Cambodia has finally arrived. It is not, however, an easy task. As it is a work in progress, results cannot yet be finally assessed.

The Khmer Rouge Tribunal, officially named the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), faces many challenges. However, the issuing of its first judgment in July 2010 and the start of a second trial in 2011 are unquestionably important and concrete steps in “moving forward through justice” and give hope for reconciliation. Before focusing on the ECCC, it is necessary to put the Cambodian experience into a broader context. The development of International Criminal Law and transitional justice is relatively new. The path from impunity to accountability for the perpetrators of the most serious crimes has seen the emergence of international norms and now offers an increasingly effective response to post-conflict situations.

FROM IMPUNITY TO ACCOUNTABILITY OR THE EMERGENCE OF NORMS TO PROVIDE JUSTICE TO VICTIMS OF THE MOST SERIOUS CRIMES AND ITS DEVELOPMENT

The 20th century had witnessed systematic violations of fundamental rights in different regions of the world. The responses to those crimes were different: retaliation, amnesty, regular trials, Truth and Reconciliation Commissions, international tribunals or simply, oblivion. Since awareness grew for the need to prosecute and to sentence perpetrators for the most serious atrocities that touched the universal conscience, the path to an effective international criminal justice has been long. It is generally recognised that it is the duty of the international community to ensure that victims of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes receive justice. But it would be wrong to believe that the implementation of this principle has resulted in a smooth process, with regular advances. The development of international criminal justice comprises both backward and forward steps while the balance between ethical imperatives and political constraints is always a complex and perilous exercise.

There are divergent appraisals on the outcome of the United Nations Peacekeeping Operation in Cambodia, which took place for 18 months from March 1992 to September 1993. In my view, such divergence of views is inevitable; it arises from degrees of prior expectations, varied estimates regarding the capacity of the United Nations to deploy and implement a complex peace-keeping mandate, as well as the degree to which a UN intervention could make a serious impact upon the socioeconomic and political structure of a country within a limited time span.

Michael W. Doyle, for example, argues that, while the peace-keeping operation in Cambodia produced positive results, the subsequent peacebuilding phase was not entirely satisfactory, since the war against the Khmer Rouge was inconclusive and some opportunities to reform the Cambodian state were missed. Samol Ney, Deputy Director General for the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Cambodia, said in a Tokyo workshop of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) that the UN peace-keeping in his country had achieved a great success and that the general elections in 1993 were a turning point in Cambodian history. But he added that the task of UNTAC under the Paris Peace Agreements was too ambitious and, therefore, was an impossible one to implement as the cease-fire was not honoured and demilitarization was not achieved. In his view, UNTAC was too passive vis-à-vis the Khmer Rouge resistance. He argued that the most serious UNTAC failure was its inability to “bring about the disarmament and demobilization of the Khmer Rouge”.

Despite these critical appraisals, it cannot be denied that during its 18-month mandate, UNTAC achieved many of its ambitious tasks, particularly its core objective, namely the conduct of free and fair general elections, which led to the creation of a new government of Cambodia with considerable success, although as will be noted later in this paper, there were shortcomings and defects in the operation, more particularly due to the fact that there had been little time to prepare logistically for the commencement of a huge peace-keeping operation and, most of all, UNTAC met a totally unanticipated armed resistance from the Party of Democratic Kampuchea (PDK, also known as the Khmer Rouge).

JAYAVARMAN II: THE PRINCE FROM JAVA

Diplomatic relations between Indonesia and Cambodia have been established in their contemporary form for only a few decades, but the ties between the peoples of Indonesia and Cambodia date back centuries.

“I wish to thank you, Excellency Mr Yasushi Akashi, for sending another prince from Java to help bring peace to Cambodia,” quipped Prince Sihanouk, referring to me. It was August 1992. We were in the city of Siem Reap, six kilometres from the world-famous Angkor Wat temple for the official inauguration of the provincial headquarters of the United Nations Transitional Authority of Cambodia (UNTAC), established to implement the Paris Agreements for Cambodia. I had joined UNTAC from the United Nations in New York and was appointed the provincial director in Siem Reap, some sort of shadow governor to the de facto governor of the People's Republic of Cambodia (PRK), renamed the State of Cambodia (SOC) in 1991, which had remained unrecognized by the United Nations since its establishment in January 1979.

Sihanouk's witticism had its origin back in the year 802 CE, when a solemn ceremony was performed at Mahendraparvata, now known as Phnom Kulen, a sacred mountain top not far from where we were gathered that day in Siem Reap. At that ceremony, Prince Jayavarman II ostensibly was proclaimed a universal monarch. According to some sources, King Jayavarman II had resided for some time in Java during the reign of the mighty Sailendras, or Lords of the Mountains. Hence the concept of Devaraja, or God King (still often applied to Sihanouk), was ostensibly imported from Java. This ceremony was also allegedly meant to free King Jayavarman II from the overlordship of the Sailendras of Java. At that time, the Sailendras ruled over Java, Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula, and parts of modern Cambodia. Jayavarman II's inauguration in the year 802 CE gave birth to the Angkor period, a glorious Khmer civilization that dominated mainland Southeast Asia with ebbs and flows for the next six centuries. The Hindu-turned- Buddhist Angkor Wat temple in Siem Reap was built in the first half of the 12th century, during the reign of Suryavarman II (1113 – c. 1150).

INTRODUCTION

Historically, Khmers have fought fiercely to gain control of their territory, and then defended it, but not always successfully, against the invading neighbours. At its peak in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, the Khmer empire extended from the Annamite Cordillera in southern Vietnam to the Gulf of Thailand. The great temples, palaces and other public buildings erected during that time at Angkor are national symbols; the towers of Angkor form the central design of the national flag. The Khmer Empire later declined from the early thirteenth century. Over the next five centuries, Cambodia steadily contracted as neighbouring Siam (Thailand) and Annam (Vietnam) expanded. Although the Khmer Empire has collapsed, the spirit of being hard working and creative has always stayed with the Cambodian people. Angkor Wat has become the modern symbol of the Khmer civilization and identity.

Global realpolitik and ideological differences pushed Cambodia into the flames of war and armed conflict in the 1970s. Our historical and cultural heritage and values were massively destroyed during the Khmer Rouge period. We almost lost much of our national identity and strength. Now after decades of peace and stability, beginning in the 1990s, we are re-discovering who we are and our roots. We are a hard working people with a capacity for great innovations, but we need the right political and economic systems to fulfil our potential.

Globalization and regionalization has taken the centre stage of the world political economy. Cambodia has integrated herself with the region and the world with strong courage and commitment. We also believe that through such processes of regional integration and cooperation, Cambodia can develop and progress from a developing country to one of the developed countries. Many challenges lie ahead, but as long as we accept the truth and speak the truth, then we can find ways to overcome those challenges.

This paper attempts to shed some light on the past development of Cambodia and share my personal views on the prospects of Cambodia's development path. For Cambodia to be successful, we need to generate agents of change. The future generation of leadership determines the future of Cambodia. I have strong hopes that they will bring Cambodia to a higher position in the region and the world in terms of economic growth, social welfare, and social justice.

The United States first opened diplomatic relations with the Kingdom of Cambodia in 1950 when Cambodia became an associated state within the French Union. US-Cambodia relations have experienced abrupt changes and reversals since 1950. Political relations deteriorated in the early 1960s as a result of US military involvement in South Vietnam and Cambodia breaking diplomatic relations in May 1965. Diplomatic relations were resumed in July 1969, severed again after the Khmer Rouge seized power in April 1975 and re-established in 1991.

This chapter explores the impact of domestic and international factors on US relations with Cambodia in the period after 1991 when an international settlement brought an end to the decade-long conflict and Vietnamese occupation. Bilateral interstate relations between the US and Cambodia comprise multiple dimensions including, but not limited to, diplomatic political, economic, defence-security and humanitarian-development assistance. This chapter illustrates that the pace and scope of the bilateral relationship varied across these dimensions over time. Progress or setbacks in one area spilled over and affected relations in other areas.

BACKGROUND

Between 1975 and 1991 the United States withheld diplomatic recognition from both Democratic Kampuchea (under the Khmer Rouge) and the People's Republic of Kampuchea/State of Cambodia (a regime set up during the Vietnamese occupation). The US reopened its diplomatic mission in Phnom Penh in November 1991 following the comprehensive international political settlement of the Cambodian conflict in Paris a month earlier. The US ambassador was accredited to the Supreme National Council, a grouping of all the warring Cambodian parties under the auspices of the United Nations (UN). Following UN-supervised elections in May 1993 and the subsequent formation of the Royal Government of Cambodia, the United States immediately extended diplomatic relations and the US Mission was upgraded to an Embassy.

As a result of domestic political turmoil in 1997, the US suspended aid to the central government led by Prime Minister Hun Sen, terminated all military assistance and opposed loans by international financial institutions with the exception of funds for basic humanitarian needs. US political relations with the Hun Sen regime deteriorated sharply during this period. A decade elapsed before US sanctions were lifted. During this period, the pace and scope of rapprochement varied across political-diplomatic, economic, military and aid dimensions.

A FLEDGLING POLITICAL SYSTEM

The ill-fated modern history of Cambodia shows a country ravaged by a long series of national calamities, among them the attempt by France to re-establish colonial rule after World War II, the Vietnam War which spilled over into Cambodia, the genocidal Khmer Rouge regime, and ferocious factional competition under the so-called Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea, with the continuing influence of the Khmer Rouge as well as the interference of Chinese, Vietnamese and American interests throughout the 1980s. Cambodia slowly started to recover and consolidate only after the 1991 Paris Peace settlement and with the help of the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) and the UN-organised general elections in 1993.

With the immense loss of educated citizens and potential leaders during the Khmer Rouge and war period as well as through emigration, jump-starting the devastated country in terms of economic and political reconstruction was an incredible challenge. The political landscape being as ravaged as it was, experience, expertise, connections and the political survival instincts of a group around King Sihanouk and a group around ex-Khmer Rouge leader Hun Sen were the ones calling the shots. Though the Cambodian People's Party did not win the UNTAC-supported 1993 election, its leader Hun Sen managed to share the premiership with Prince Ranariddh, to increasingly consolidate the CPP and to entrench its grip on power until its quasimonopoly today. This has created a somewhat uneasy semblance of stability, including the major flaws which the opposition tries to highlight for the benefit of neglected sectors of the Cambodian society, and its own survival under difficult conditions.

Economically, after all the previous destruction, the consolidation started from a very low level but the growth rates are constantly improving. With continuing severe shortcomings in infrastructure, education, industrial base and business experience, the country still relies very much on agriculture and tourism as domestic sources of growth. But the great potential in hydropower and hydrocarbons, as well as the growing integration into the regional markets and increasing foreign investment may speed up the economic recovery in the coming years. But Cambodia is still very reliant on foreign Official Development Assistance (ODA) and the help of foreign NGOs.

When I was requested to draft a foreword for this book, I inquired into the origins of the book proposal, and was immediately struck by its timeliness, as 2011 is the 20th anniversary of the 1991 Paris Peace Conference which brought about a diplomatic resolution of the protracted Cambodia conflict. I also liked the way it focused on the future prospects of Cambodia, looking ahead and putting past acrimony behind, which is in tune with the concept of national reconciliation, which we practice in Cambodia. Thirdly, I was amazed by the appropriate nationalities of the three scholars from ISEAS, who are the co-editors of this book. One is a Cambodian, another is Singaporean and the third is Australian. Those who know the history of the diplomatic efforts to help resolve the Cambodian conflict will recognize that these were the three countries intimately involved in bringing the conflict to a negotiated settlement. Let me express my appreciation for the hard work, organization and initiative of the three co-editors who guided this useful book to fruition.

2011 is also the year in which Singapore's Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew's thoughts, recorded through interviews by a team of journalists from the Singapore Straits Times, were published in a book entitled: Lee Kuan Yew: Hard Truths to Keep Singapore Going. What struck me most was a quotation from Mr Lee, who said: “Singapore is my concern till the end of my life.” (Straits Times, 22 January 2011) When I read it, I was impressed by the dedication and passion of Mr Lee, whom we all know as the Father of Modern Singapore. I have been lucky to meet Mr Lee, and also know that it was his strong support for King Sihanouk and for Free Cambodia that kept the efforts going for over ten years.

What I wish for my Cambodian compatriots is that same patriotism and drive to make our country a modern, peaceful, prosperous and forward-looking country. After all the terrible conflicts, killings, sufferings and turmoil, all Cambodians would surely share my wishes for our beloved country. In a sense, I wish to dedicate this book to our two great leaders, HM King Sihanouk and to MM Lee Kuan Yew, and their ministers and officials, who achieved peace and freedom for democratic Cambodia.

My Cambodian story begins in 1965, when Singapore suddenly found itself separated from the Federation of Malaysia and became a new sovereign and independent country. The Kingdom of Cambodia, headed by Prince Norodom Sihanouk, was one of the first countries to recognise Singapore's independence. A few months later, as a gesture of goodwill, the government of Cambodia invited the government of Singapore to send a goodwill delegation to visit Cambodia. As the newly established Ministry of Foreign Affairs was still finding its feet, the Singapore government turned to a nongovernmental organisation, the Singapore Institute of International Affairs (SIIA), to organize such a delegation.

GOODWILL DELEGATION TO CAMBODIA: 1965

The SIIA was founded by a group of like-minded friends, who were interested in international affairs, in 1961. I was one of the founding members. As the Honorary Secretary of the Institute, I had corresponded with the Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House), to seek their guidance and advice. The President of the Institute was a Scottish colonial official, Mr G. G. Thomson, who was the Director of the Political Studies Centre, established by the PAP government to educate the civil servants on the political trends and developments of the region and the political agenda of the government.

A MAGICAL EVENING AT ANGKOR WAT

Mr Thomson and I organised a delegation of about 20 members, consisting mainly of members of the Institute. We were a motley crew, consisting of both locals and expatriates. We spent a week in Cambodia, visiting Phnom Penh and Siem Reap. Phnom Penh was, at that time, a small, beautiful and peaceful city. The war in South Vietnam seemed far away and we did not understand why the senior Cambodian officials we met had expressed the fear that Cambodia might be sucked into that conflict. In Siem Reap, we were treated to an unforgettable experience. We were invited to watch a performance by the Royal Cambodian Ballet, with Princess Bopha Devi as the prima ballerina, under a full moon, at Angkor Wat. It was a magical evening. Thus began my involvement with Cambodia, with eight encounters with this beautiful but tragic country.