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73852 results in Boydell & Brewer

Page 1456 of 3693

  • Introduction

  • Edited by Kenneth Fincham
  • Book:
    The Further Correspondence of William Laud
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    21 August 2020
    Print publication:
    16 February 2018, pp xxi-li

  • Summary

    There is no question that William Laud, archbishop of Canterbury 1633–45, had a decisive impact on his own time and an enduring influence on the subsequent history of the reformed Church of England. His correspondence is a secure way into the mind and activities of the man, and this volume prints 223 of Laud's letters, drawn from thirty-eight archives, which did not appear in the nineteenth-century edition of his Works. This great seven-volume collection of The Works of the most reverend father in God William Laud DD sometime lord archbishop of Canterbury was edited by William Scott and James Bliss and published by the Library of Anglo-Catholic Theology between 1847 and 1860. Volumes VI and VII printed 433 letters written by Laud; volume V contained another 114 letters, 109 reprinted from Laud's own history of his chancellorship of Oxford, and five others relating to his claims to hold a metropolitical visitation of Cambridge university; and volume IV reprints one additional letter. In short, the Works contain a grand total of 548 letters.

    Since 1860, much more of Laud's correspondence has come to light, some of it in the Public Record Office (now part of The National Archives), whose holdings were being calendared as the Works of Laud were being assembled, others in private or corporate hands, as revealed in successive volumes of the Historical Manuscripts Commission and in the catalogues of libraries, cathedral archives and local record offices. As many of these as could be traced are gathered together in this volume. Of these 223 letters, 71 (33 per cent) have already been published in extenso, but scattered in many different publications and formats, usually without commentary or footnotes, but another 150 (67 per cent) are printed for the first time here. Taken together, our 223 letters represent an additional 29 per cent of the known corpus of Laud's correspondence, swelling the overall number to 771 letters.

    The correspondence published in Laud's Works drew on national collections in London and Oxford, on the holdings of Laud's college of St John's Oxford, on letters already in print, and on the wonderfully rich personal archive of Sir Thomas Wentworth, future earl of Strafford.

  • 171 - 29 Oct. To John Bridgeman, bishop of Chester

  • Edited by Kenneth Fincham
  • Book:
    The Further Correspondence of William Laud
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    21 August 2020
    Print publication:
    16 February 2018, pp 198-199

  • Summary

    Salutem in Christo.

    My very good Lord.

    I have receaved your Letters of October 15. And I thanke you heartily for them: As also for the Care you take of the Kings Clark Mr Clayton. And your Judgment is very right, That if the Writ of ne admittas growe to bee Common, noe Bishop shall be able to give any Advantage to the Kings Clarke, against either a Criminall, or but a pretending Patron. But since the Judges have Resolved you, That it is not only Paenall to yourselfe, but that it makes the very Act of Institution voyde, if you give it till the ne admittas be taken off, I shall not Advise any such waye; And then Certainly if you Cannot give Institution yourselfe, you Cannot Authorize any other Bishop about London, or els where, to give that, which your selfe Cannot give. I have therefore taken another way. For I have spoken with my Lord Newburgh and hope to prevaile with him for the taking off the ne admittas, which if I can doe, you shall presently heare of me againe, that soe you may proceede: And if I Cannot doe this, I must acquaynt the King with the Busines. And this is all I Can say to that.

    I was in Good hope, I should have been able to have sent you better newes about this ne admittas, and sooner. But since as yet I Cannot, I thought it not fit to defer the Other Busines any longer, Concerning your Quadrangle or Abbey-Court, and the Brewhouse, and Mault-House there. I have as you desired me written my Letters by the Kings Command to the Dean and Chapter there. Which are here inclosed; And I pray deliver them. I have likewise sent yourselfe a Copie, that you may see what I have written. And I hope they will Obay itt. If they doe not, I promise you they shall smart for it. So in great hast I leave you to Gods blessed Protection and rest

    Your Lordships very Loving friend and Brother

    W: Cant:

    Lambeth: October 29. 1638.

    To the Right Reverend Father in God my very Good Lord and Brother the Lord Bishop of Chester these

  • 5 - Double Motet Layouts in the Montpellier Codex and Contemporaneous Libri motetorum

  • from I - The Material Object
  • Edited by Catherine A. Bradley, Karen Desmond
  • Book:
    The Montpellier Codex
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    04 July 2019
    Print publication:
    16 February 2018, pp 90-99

  • Summary

    HISTORIES of layouts of polyphonic music describe parts in succession in the earliest sources, followed by pseudo-score layout (for example in the so-called monotextual or conductus motet), then an arrangement of the parts in ‘reading windows’ (Lesefenstern; either placing the upper voices of a double motet in two columns on one page or one voice per page of an opening and the tenor on the lowermost stave), and finally by the so-called choir-book layout, which presents the upper parts on facing pages of an opening with the tenor no longer at the bottom of the page but following on directly from either the motetus or the triplum. This becomes the standard layout, and the change of the position of the tenor points to a change in the conceptualization of the tenor part.

    These different layouts do not succeed each other in chronological order. There is neither a particular ‘Notre-Dame layout’ nor an ‘Ars antiqua layout’ nor yet an ‘Ars nova layout’ of three-part motets. The consecutive presentation of voices is found from the very beginning of the transmission of motets until the late fourteenth century. And the presentation of the upper parts in two columns with the tenor on a continuous stave at the bottom, which emerges with the liber motetorum, is still found in manuscripts of the second half of the fourteenth century. The only correlation between repertoire layers and distinct layouts is found for the more particular layouts of Mo 7 and 8, to be discussed here.

    LAYOUTS IN MO 8

    Twenty-one out of the forty-two motets in the final fascicle of Mo are laid out, as in many other thirteenth-century manuscripts, with the upper parts in columns and a continuous stave for the tenor at the bottom (Figure 5.1a); this will be defined here as the standard-column layout. The other twenty-one motets employ a layout not found in any thirteenth-century manuscript (hereafter ‘Mo 8 layout’). This characteristic Mo 8 layout places the end of the triplum on one or more continuous staves below both columns, followed by the tenor on the lowermost stave (Figure 5.1b). The ruling of the pages is the same as for the standard- column layout; only later were the staves of the columns connected.

  • 6 - Two Cases in the Court of Requests

  • from Part II - An Unfortunate Marriage
  • Ralph Houlbrooke
  • Book:
    Love and Dishonour in Elizabethan England
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    13 July 2019
    Print publication:
    16 February 2018, pp 171-202

  • Summary

    Henry Jerningham and Elizabeth Forth v. Robert Forth

    Elizabeth Forth responded to the news of Charles Forth's flight from England by starting proceedings in the Court of Requests at Westminster. The roots of this court lay in the medieval practice of appointing members of the king's Council to deal with poor petition¬ers’ requests for justice. Its earliest surviving records date from Henry VII's reign. Henry's immediate predecessor Richard III had appointed a clerk concerned with requests and supplications. In 1538–9, Requests became an independent court, separate from the newly established Privy Council, with two judges called masters of requests. In response to the rapid growth in the court's business, Queen Elizabeth added in 1562 two ‘masters extraordinary’ to assist the existing masters. The masters included both civil and common lawyers. The participation of a common lawyer ensured that the court could deal with matters of property in accordance with common law rules. The court's settled home from early in Henry VIII's reign was the Lesser or White Hall in the palace of Westminster. This large chamber lay south of the Great Hall, just past St Stephen's chapel, which was occupied by the Commons when parliaments were in session.

    Requests was a court of equity, intended to provide justice for those unable to sue elsewhere. Poverty was the basic criterion of eligibility for suitors’ access. The court's chief responsibility was to hear ‘poor men's causes’. Orders appointed for the operation of the court in 1543 stipulated that all landed gentlemen and other men with movable prop¬erty who brought complaints to the king or his Council were to be ‘remytted to the common lawe, and in default of remedie there, to the Kinges high Court of Chauncerie’. Only the king's household servants ‘attendant upon his person’ were exempted from this rule.

    The common law prohibited litigation between spouses. Requests, albeit reluctantly, entertained some suits of this sort. Professor Tim Stretton's exhaustive search for litigation between marriage partners in the records of the court ‘unearthed just thirty-three cases (fought by thirty-one couples) in the years from 1542 to 1642’. They formed a tiny proportion of the business of a court that heard hundreds of cases each year.

  • 106 - 3 Aug. To John Bramhall, bishop of Derry

  • Edited by Kenneth Fincham
  • Book:
    The Further Correspondence of William Laud
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    21 August 2020
    Print publication:
    16 February 2018, pp 123-124

  • Summary

    Salutem in Christo

    My very good Lord,

    I am right glad to heare from my Lord Deputy, and your Lordship that all thinges passe soe well in the busynesse of Conna and if the other Countyes, doe as Rosse Common hath lead the way, my Lord will have a prosperous iourney of it, and the Kinge great service. As for the Church, I am sorry you are fallen under such a dangerous dilemma, but God be thanked wee have a gracious Kinge, and for ought I can yet see, you are upon the best resolution that may be, in a Case of such difficulty; namely to have them excepted in the Offices, for that I thinke will void the surreptious Patents gott from the Crowne: and yet after to passe them from the Kinge, in which way, I hope you may find Favour from his gracious Majestie that those abominable alienations, (as you iustly call them) which have been made heertofore by unworthy Churchmen, in all which worke God speed you.

    I have heard complaints long since before my Lord Deputyes goeing into that Kingdome, that the Diocesse of Downe hath been more troubled with inconformity, then any other part of Ireland. And I remember the then Bishop made a great apologye about it, which I now perceive by you was but a flash of false fire to save his owne reputation with the Kinge, for it seemes by these Letters of yours that complaint was too true. And therfore if his Majestie meane to have a reformation there, a Bishop must not be made for private ends, but for the publicke. And for my part, I like very well of Deane Lesly, whome my Lord Deputy hath recommended, as well as your Lordship, and shall doe for him toward the obteyning of this Bishoprick, what I may.

    My Lord I thanke him, hath given me a full relation of Croxton, and I am very sory he should soe notoriously play the ungratefull man towards my Lord as I am now assured he hath done. As for the playing the foole with himselfe, in exchanging a dignity, for a farre worse Living with Cure, I doubt not but he is, or wilbe punished enough with his owne Folly.

  • 189 - 28 Feb. To Sir William Boswell

  • Edited by Kenneth Fincham
  • Book:
    The Further Correspondence of William Laud
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    21 August 2020
    Print publication:
    16 February 2018, pp 213-213

  • Summary

    Salutem in Christo

    Worthy Sir

    The busines of these is but very breife, to entreat you to take care of the enclosed that it be safely delyverd, and to lett you knowe that his Majesty havinge commanded me to appeare in print once more in my old age, I would have sent you one of my Bookes at this tyme if I could have told well how to conveigh it to you. But the next opportunity I have of sending to those Partes God willing you shall not miss of it, which though made up at broken houres such as my leysure would permitt, I doubt not but you will take in good part, from him who wisheth it were worth your reading

    Your very lovinge Freind.

    W: Cant:

    Lambeth. February ultimo 1638

    To my Honoured Freind, Sir William Boswell Knight his Majesties Agent At the Hague. these

  • The Representation of the Clergy in Parliament

    • By Alison K. McHardy, formerly Reader in Medieval English History at the University of Nottingham.
  • Edited by Gwilym Dodd
  • Book:
    Fourteenth Century England
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    03 July 2019
    Print publication:
    16 February 2018, pp 47-66

  • Summary

    In late medieval England, clergy of all ranks, from archbishops to parochial clergy, sent proctors to parliament, whether as representatives (delegates) of constituency groups – the diocesan clergy and cathedral chapters – or as deputies for the individuals who were called to appear in person. The individuals were bishops, parliamentary abbots, archdeacons, and cathedral deans. Bishops and abbots received individual writs of summons, while archdeacons and deans were called indirectly through their bishops. This clerical element in the personnel of parliament has received comparatively little attention, but there is a series in The National Archives, Special Collection 10, on that very subject, and this essay aims to draw attention to the riches it contains. Most evidence concerns those higher clergy who were summoned to parliament individually, and within that category the letters of abbots predominate.

    Neglect of these parliamentarians may have several causes, but the likeliest reason is that so much material recording their presence has been lost. Proctors attending parliament on the clergy's behalf carried letters of appointment which they handed to the parliamentary clerks who then compiled proxy rolls containing this information. Those rolls were already decayed by the early seventeenth century, and later disappeared completely. A single surviving example is the list of those sending proctors to the Carlisle parliament of January 1307, and the names of their proctors. It was copied from the parliament rolls into the Vetus Codex, a collection of documents assembled during Walter Stapeldon's time as treasurer in the 1320s. This contains ninety-three letters, including ten from bishops, seventeen from archdeacons, nineteen from cathedral deans (or priors of monastic cathedrals) and their chapters in various combinations, thirty-four from abbots, and thirteen from representatives of the lower clergy.

    The existence of this list shows us something of what has been lost. But fortunately, by luck, and by no discernible archival policy, large numbers of the original proxy appointments survive, along with a smaller number of the letters which proctors carried with them during the parliament as proof of their status. Dating from about 1248 to 1447, and again from 1523 to 1536, there are 2,731 appointments, nearly all in TNA SC 10. Most of these commissions were issued by members of what came to be called the clerical peerage: bishops and abbots.

  • 5 - Ingenious Mechanics

  • Gillian Cookson
  • Book:
    The Age of Machinery
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    31 August 2019
    Print publication:
    16 February 2018, pp 128-160

  • Summary

    By the mid-nineteenth century, a workforce of many thousands had been trained in textile engineering. The best paid and highest skilled were considered part of an aristocracy of labour. Alongside was a multitude of shop-floor engineering workers concentrated on narrowly defined duties in large factories, arguably with little independence or discretion compared with their immediate predecessors. The ways in which engineering workers were employed and trained had evolved, and the trade had changed. Whether this group was less skilled overall, and how far it might have lost touch with the industry's earlier ethos, are less certain.

    It seems that chances to progress out of this rather regimented industrial proletariat had been curtailed. Many employees and employers still shared a background of apprenticeship training, an absorption in the skills and knowledge of textile technology. Yet the workers were less likely to advance. After the industry was restructured in the 1810s and 1820s, the size of capital investment needed to set up a machine shop with self-acting tools became an obstacle. The chance of building such a company from scratch was placed out of reach for most. The number of new ventures dramatically reduced in proportion to the enlarged workforce.

    And there were other changes. In the large shops at least, some level of stability replaced casual employment practices. This had its attractions, compared with the uncertainties of self-employment. It came at a price, though, the loss of that relative independence to which previous generations had aspired. Capital was not the only hurdle: there was less opportunity to learn about the production process overall, about the commercial workings of the trade, and to be nurtured and supported into self-sufficiency by a former master. Yet the small-scale sector in engineering continued to be very significant, so self-employment was not an impossibility. Perhaps the real barrier was that workers classed as skilled in the larger factories were not really so. In fulfilling only a narrow range of tasks, was their lack of all-round proficiency shielded by division of labour and a range of modern machine tools? Was the trade shedding its broad-based competence?

  • 6 - Similes We Cure By: The Poetics of Late Medieval Medical Texts

  • Edited by Laura Ashe, Philip Knox, David Lawton Wendy Scase
  • Book:
    New Medieval Literatures 18
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    03 July 2019
    Print publication:
    16 February 2018, pp 183-210

  • Summary

    A man who urinates as the ‘eues (gutters) of an house dropiþ’ faeces that look like ‘þe shauyng of parchemyn’ a head wound that resembles a ‘spynand webbe blewe or ellys rede’ or ‘a burbyl of water when þat it raynes’ and ‘a man þat herith in hys ere / As hornys blewe or thonder were’: where do all of these striking similes come from? From recipe collections of one variety or another, whether these be translations of scholastic texts, vernacular remedy books or vernacular verse remedies. And yet these instructional texts have traditionally been depicted by scholars as devoid of any imaginative labour or poetic skill, as blandly or singularly utilitarian. For example, after exploring the problems inherent in cataloguing and indexing medical recipes, Henry Hargreaves nonchalantly proclaimed that the texts ‘have, of course, not the slightest scintilla of literary interest’. It is my contention in this essay, however, that it is this very kind of practical text that can help us to form a more nuanced understanding of the nature – or natures – of poetic language in the Middle Ages.

    As the editors Frank Grady and Andrew Galloway note in their introduction to a recent essay collection, medievalists have long been concerned with what constitutes the literary. However, only in recent years have critics begun to ask whether medieval practical writings can be considered to be at all poetic. Often they have done so by focusing upon the aesthetic and imaginative qualities of individual texts or manuscripts, or by analysing a wide variety of different poetic features in a selection of texts from different traditions of practical writing. These studies have been invaluable for foregrounding the question of poetic practicality and for introducing different text-types and analytical methods which might lead to fruitful future study. However, to date, there has been little in-depth work on the use of specific literary features in specific forms, such as the medical recipe.

    On the other hand, in the last decade, there has been no shortage of scholars reflecting upon the importation of medical language and phenomena into other types of discourse – political, devotional or poetic – in order to represent different kinds of experience.

  • 4 - The Ludus Tonalis as Quintessential Hindemith

  • Simon Desbruslais
  • Book:
    The Music and Music Theory of Paul Hindemith
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    03 July 2019
    Print publication:
    16 February 2018, pp 131-176

  • Summary

    As a member of his composition class I remember well how he used to discuss with his advanced pupils certain acoustical phenomena about which he was writing in his book, and their melodic and harmonic implications. To corroborate further his theory of tonal organisation he composed the monumental ‘Ludus Tonalis’ for piano which has become one of his most famous works.

    —Franz Reizenstein, 1964

    The Ludus Tonalis (‘Play of Tones’), written in 1942 and premiered by Willard MacGregor in 1943, is the quintessential model of Hindemith's music theory in practice. It was written five years after the first published edition of the Unterweisung, and shared proximity with Unterweisung II (1939), the second edition of Unterweisung I (1940), Craft I (1942) and the preparatory work towards Unterweisung III. Though Hindemith wrote many other compositions during this time, such as three organ sonatas (1937–1940), eleven instrumental sonatas and the ballet The Four Temperaments (1938), none have the explicit reference to music theory found in the Ludus: where all twelve of the starting pitches for the fugues correspond to the ordering of Series 1. If Hindemith's early works show the composer at his most pluralistic, the Ludus presents the composer at his most cerebral. It provides the strongest indication of how Hindemith's music theory might be transferred into free composition, and lends itself more suitably to a theoretical analysis than any of his other compositions. Hindemith invites us to analyse his piano cycle with his theory in mind.

    The Ludus was completed two years after Hindemith's appointment at the Yale School of Music, and four years before he received American citizenship. It marked a watershed moment in Hindemith's life – the closing of his troubled chapter in Germany in the mid- to late 1930s, and the widespread acceptance of the refined compositional style in the Ludus, brought about by his intensive theoretical activity. The work is a unique example in the history of Western Music of the relationship between music theory and compositional practice. While for previous works, it is questionable whether Hindemith's theorising, or his composing, came first; with the Ludus it is absolutely clear. The theory came first.

  • 71 - 24 Oct. To Richard Astley, warden of All Souls College Oxford

  • Edited by Kenneth Fincham
  • Book:
    The Further Correspondence of William Laud
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    21 August 2020
    Print publication:
    16 February 2018, pp 83-84

  • Summary

    Salutem in Christo

    After my harty Commendations etc.

    I am informed that there is one place voyd by the Death of Mr Master, and that another will be voyd at this your Election. I am likewise given to understand that there is a very good Inclination in your self and the Fellowes to chuse Sir Croft of Jesus Colledge into that place which is voyd by death. And I thinke there is an intendment for a younger Sonne of my Lord Keeper, who much desyre's to be a Civill Lawyer, to succeed in the place of Mr Shelden. Now you know that Mr Shelden holde's the place of a Divyne, and soe must he in ordinary course that succeeds him, but the place which is voyde by death, is a Lawyers place. All that I shall desyre of your self and the Fellowes is but this, that when it comes near the Election, and that it is resolved among you and them whom to chuse, you would be pleasd to chuse young Mr Coventry into the Lawyers place, and Sir Croft into the Divynes. My Lord Keeper doth much desire this Accommodation and soe doe I for him.

    Since I have this occasion of wryting to you, I will not forget to thanke you for the kynd Letters which I receyved from that Body to wellcome me into the place which I now beare. But your Love made you heape a great deale too much honour upon me, for I profess sadly I hold my self farr short of the least Degree of Comparison to your worthy Founder. The Church now affoarde's me not means to doe that which my hart is upon, were all thinges else answerable. But enough of this. I hope you and the Company will not deny me this my first and easy Suit. Soe with remembrance of my love I leave you all to the Grace of God and rest

    Your very lovinge Freind and Visitour.

    W: Cant:

    Lambeth October 24. 1633.

    To the Right Worshipfull my very worthy Freind, Dr Ashley, Warden of All: Soules Colledge in Oxford.

  • Preface and Acknowledgements

  • Stephen Banfield
  • Book:
    Music in the West Country
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    31 August 2019
    Print publication:
    16 February 2018, pp xi-xvii

  • Summary

    This book has been a labour of love. My affair with the region began as a young boy, when the impressive streamlined locomotives of Southern Region's West Country class, inaugurated in 1945, steamed through our town in Kent: each was named after a place in the south-west on or near the Southern network, and to me those names were pure magic – Templecombe, Bude, Okehampton, Budleigh Salterton, Yes Tor … Later we moved to Hampshire, and while the New Forest, not yet west country by my definition, was our regular playground, annual holidays began to take the family car further west. The first of these, despite being on a sodden caravan site at the rear end of Paignton, already made me a west country aficionado. The second, in 1966, was in an ancient cottage with pink bath-water in the middle of Bodmin Moor. By 1967 we had graduated to a prefab on a farm near Dulverton, to which we returned several times. Through much of the 1980s and ‘90s my parents lived in semi-retirement, first in Brushford and then in Porlock, the latter a perfect place for visits. Music was not exactly a leitmotiv of these experiences, except when my early music group sang a Palestrina mass liturgically one sunny Sunday morning in Luccombe parish church, or with its viols and partbooks crowded into the tiny minstrels’ gallery of Chulmleigh Congregational Church to experience the wonderful acoustic. But that is perhaps the point: most of the time, music simply took its place in the scheme of things.

    Three years after I moved to Bristol in 2003, I founded CHOMBEC, the Centre for the History of Music in Britain, the Empire and the Commonwealth, and proposed that it should have a threefold brief, regional, national, and transnational. Thanks to generous research leave and a research fellowship from the University, to a British Academy Small Research Grant, to the forbearance and interest of colleagues in both Music and other departments of the Faculty of Arts, and to a succession of eight-infifteen- days railcards from First Great Western, I was in due course able to devote an uninterrupted year to gathering the resources for a musical history of the region to which Bristol has always acted as gateway.

  • Introduction

  • Simon Desbruslais
  • Book:
    The Music and Music Theory of Paul Hindemith
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    03 July 2019
    Print publication:
    16 February 2018, pp 1-10

  • Summary

    This book is a critical study of Hindemith's music theory, through a close analysis of his music. His writing and theoretical ideas can be hard to grasp, particularly given his often hazy description of how ideas such as ‘harmonic fluctuation’ and ‘Series 1 orders’ can describe and compose music. The reader should not be deterred by Hindemith's rhetoric, however, as within his oeuvre lies one of the great practical musicians of the twentieth century. Since the time it was written, his music and music theory have encountered conflicting receptions, dividing those performers whose repertoire owes its foundations to a Hindemith sonata and those who claim that he was an unnecessary tinkerer of his compositions and whose meddling in music theory caused widespread mischief. Though this book does not refrain from offering critical perspectives on Hindemith's works, it does so with the agenda that the reader may become more acquainted with Hindemith's proto-theory and may reflect on how it may be developed and nurtured within the context of the twenty-first century.

    Hindemith's Theory Publications

    Hindemith finished seven theoretical and pedagogical textbooks, all but one of which are published by Schott & Co. and have enjoyed several revised editions. Following Hindemith's move from Germany to the USA during 1937, the original language of some of his texts switched to English. However, they were still translated back to German, which is testament to his popularity after the Second World War. In order of publication these include:

  • Unterweisung im Tonsatz: Theoretische Teil (Mainz: Schott & Co., 1st edn 1937, 2nd edn 1940) [The Craft of Musical Composition: Theoretical Part, trans. Mendel, Arthur (Mainz: Schott & Co., 1942)].

  • Unterweisung im Tonsatz: Übungsbuch für den zweistimmigen Satz (Mainz: Schott & Co., 1939) [The Craft of Musical Composition: Exercises in Two-Part Writing, trans. Ortmann, Otto (Mainz: Schott & Co., 1941)].

  • A Concentrated Course in Traditional Harmony, Vol. 1 (Mainz: Schott & Co., 1943) [Aufgaben für Harmonie-Schüler, trans. anon, probably Hindemith (Mainz: Schott & Co., 1949)].

  • Elementary Training for Musicians (Mainz: Schott & Co., 1946).

  • Harmonie-Übungen für Fortgeschrittene (Mainz: Schott & Co., 1949) [A Concentrated Course in Traditional Harmony, Vol. 2: Exercises for Advanced Students, trans. anon, probably Hindemith (Mainz: Schott & Co., 1953)].

  • A Composer's World: Horizons and Limitations (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1952a) [Komponist in seiner Welt, trans. Hindemith, Paul (Mainz: Schott & Co., 1959)].

  • 3 - The Forths: From Clothiers to Landed Gentry

  • from Part I - Two Families
  • Ralph Houlbrooke
  • Book:
    Love and Dishonour in Elizabethan England
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    13 July 2019
    Print publication:
    16 February 2018, pp 81-108

  • Summary

    The Forths had long been established in Hadleigh, ten miles west of Ipswich, when William Forth, Charles's grandfather, bought Butley Priory in 1544. The leading members of the family had been successful cloth merchants. In the fifteenth century, Suffolk was the foremost centre of English textile production, which was concentrated in the south of the county. During the later 1460s, Hadleigh was second only to Lavenham in its number of cloth¬iers and the amount of tax (alnage) paid on cloth manufactured. William and Robert Forth of Hadleigh were the second and third most active clothiers of Suffolk. ‘For five decades until his death in 1504, William Forthe was the patriarch of Suffolk cloth-making.’ He owned property both in Suffolk and in London. A member of the Staple of Calais, he was involved in the trade in wool as well as cloth. His daughter Elizabeth married Thomas Baldry of Stowmarket, who became a London mercer and lord mayor of the city in 1523. William Forth left in his will a holy water stoup of silver to Butley Priory ‘to be praide fore’, showing that the family's connection with the priory existed long before another William Forth purchased its premises in 1544. William made his son Robert his executor. Robert was thirty at the time of his father's death in August 1504. William asked no less a person than Sir James Hobart of Hales in Norfolk, the attorney general, probably his relative by marriage, to assist and advise Robert.

    Robert Forth of Hadleigh, gentleman, doubtless the same man, was granted a coat of arms and crest by Thomas Hawley, Clarenceux king of arms in December 1539. Robert made his will on 24 July 1540, and died three days later. He was buried at the church of St Dionis Backchurch in the City of London on 29 July, despite his wish to be buried at Hadleigh. He was probably a widower, since his will makes no mention of his wife. Its chief beneficiary was his youngest son William, to whom Robert left land in several villages in the Stour valley along the Essex–Suffolk border. Three daughters were each to receive a marriage portion of £100.

  • 129 - 3 July To John Bridgeman, bishop of Chester

  • Edited by Kenneth Fincham
  • Book:
    The Further Correspondence of William Laud
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    21 August 2020
    Print publication:
    16 February 2018, pp 151-152

  • Summary

    Salutem in Christo.

    My very good Lord.

    It is more then tyme to give you thankes for the Nagge you sent me, and to pray you hartily to excuse me, that I did it not by your Sonne when he brought me the Horse, and went presently downe. For indeed my Lord I was at that present much overpressed and your Sonne could not but see it in part, and I doubt not but he will beare witness to this truth. My Lord I knowe not how to make you any amendes for this favour done me, but yet certainly if God lend me life I will hope to returne it eyther to your self or your Sonne.

    I thanke you alsoe for the love you have shewed to the new Vicar of Rachdale,3 I hope he will continue to deserve it. He hath delyverd me this Petition inclosed concerning a Parishioner of his, and a Seat in the Chancell. I pray your Lordship examine the truth of it, and if you finde that for the well ordering and decency of the Chancell he hath been content to part with his former Seat, soe longe used as is herein expressed, I pray see him elswhere conveniently placed in the Church as is desired. For it will be very fitt to shew favour to orderly men.

    I have likewise receyved a Letter from your Lordship in the behalfe of one Francis Edwardes a Minister in Chester, who is like enough to be free from Simony having encreased his Benefice from 20l to 100l per annum against a scraping Patrone, and yet by the malice of some neare him, is like to be put to trouble and charge, as if he were both guilty of that, and inconformity. His Suite is to have a Graunt from the Kinge ad Corroborandum titulum, of which his Majesty is very sparing, alleadging that if he graunt Corroboration, he shall destroye all his Titles by Simony, and never be able sufficiently to punish that crime. If any thinge move the Kinge it must be your testimony, which I will now presently shew to his Majesty and doe the honest man the best favour I can. Soe wishing your Lordship all health and happynes, I leave you to the grace of God and rest.

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