The remarkable civilizations, the remains of which have been of late years brought to light by excavation in Crete and the Aegaean, were, as we now know, by no means without their influence upon the surrounding countries and even upon comparatively distant lands. Middle Minoan pottery has been found in Egypt, and Late Minoan both there and in numerous other parts of the Mediterranean. Less obvious signs of Aegaean commerce and influence are frequent in many places, and it is beyond all doubt that the high culture of Crete and the Aegaean affected much of the Mediterranean shore and islands.

It is the aim of the following pages to study the evidence for the condition and economy of Capua in the period of the Roman Republic, and to suggest some fresh conclusions on its role in the more general evolution of Roman commerce and influence. For two centuries or more after the Second Punic War, until other more favoured and more extensive regions of the empire began to compete with Italian agriculture and industry, the cities of Campania maintained a certain degree of primacy over others in the peninsula. Among these, Capua had for long held the chief political power, and even after its defeat by the Romans in 211 B.C., retained some degree of prestige throughout antiquity. Before her defection to Hannibal, Capua might be ranked with Carthage or Corinth in wealth and power; and even at the other end of antiquity, in the fourth century A.D., Capua was the third city of Italy, next only to Rome and Aquileia, a position substantially retained in the Dark Ages and in later history.

Le anfore altomedievali rinvenute in recenti scavi a Roma (Crypta Balbi) e a Napoli e le fornaci per anfore scoperte a Miseno e Ischia vengono discusse in questo articolo. Viene ipotizzato che alcune delle anfore trovate a Roma potrebbero venire dal Golfo di Napoli e potrebbero rappresentare la conseguenza di attività di scambio fra le due aree, in particolare durante il periodo in cui l'imperatore Leone III era in conflitto con il papato a pro-posito della iconoclastia e della politica fiscale. L'apparente scomparsa dei vasi nel corso del IX secolo potrebbe riflettere un ulteriore periodo di crisi dell'economia italiana, generato dall'intensincarsi delle incursioni arabe.

During the North African campaigns of 1941–3 numerous air-photographs of the Tripolitanian coast were taken by the R.A.F. for operational purposes, and the site of Lepcis Magna was included in the area covered. Examination of these photographs (pl. XV) showed many suggestive features relating to the defences of the ancient city, and a preliminary ground survey was later (1947–50) undertaken to establish, with a minimum of excavation, the course of the successive wall-circuits.

The results of this investigation are described below, and are discussed in relation to the historical and epigraphic evidence. It is not claimed that these results are exhaustive, or that they will not need modification in the light of future discoveries. Since, however, there is little likelihood of any early resumption of large-scale excavations at Lepcis, this preliminary study may help to illustrate the growth and subsequent decline of the city that came to be the most important centre between Carthage and Alexandria.

Excavations at the Latin city of Gabii in 2012–15 conducted by the Gabii Project have uncovered a monumental building complex, hitherto known only very partially from previous excavations in the 1990s. Organized on a series of three artificial terraces that regularized the slope of the volcanic terrain, it measures some 60 m by 35 m, occupying an entire city-block. It is prominently situated at one of the most central locations within the city, on the main urban thoroughfare at the important intersection of the roads from Tibur, Praeneste and Rome. Stratigraphic evidence and construction techniques date the original phase of the building to the mid-third century BC. This report focuses on a contextualization and description of this first, mid-Republican phase and offers a preliminary interpretation of this complex as a public building, with spaces designed for a variety of functions: bathing, public feasting, and ritual activity. If this is correct, it now represents one of the very few examples of public buildings other than temples and fortifications known from the mid-Republican period, and sheds important light on the development of Roman architecture and of the Latin cities in a crucial and obscure period.

Long before the Romans had established the foundations of their power in Southern Italy, there must necessarily have existed numerous natural routes of communication between the principal centres of population, which were later utilised by the conquerors as they developed and civilised what they had won with their swords. As the Romans advanced from point to point, planting in the best strategical positions military colonies, which not only secured freshly conquered territory, but also served as bases from which advances against tribes, still unsubjugated, could be directed, it was essential that each new outpost, particularly if it had been established in an area in which there still remained an openly menacing foe, should be connected with a base of strength and security by an easy means of communication.

Tre nuove iscrizioni da Aphrodisias in Caria descrivono i cittadini locali — Flavius Zeno e Flavius Andronicus — come autori delle statue (ora perse) che stanno dedicando. Essi sono probabilmente il Flavius Zeno e il Flavius Andronicus di Aphrodisias le cui ‘firme’ — con l'asserzione che essi hanno ‘fatto’, ἐποίει, le statue — appaiono sui plinti di alcune statue trovate sull'Esquilino. II titolo da essi usato — sia ad Aphrodisias che a Roma — non può essere anteriore al IV secolo. Ciò solleva problemi circa la datazione delle statue provenienti dall'Esquilino — attualmente nella Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Copenhagen — che fino ad ora sono state attribuite al secondo secolo. Sarà necessario ridatare queste opere, o presumere che le ‘firme’ vennero aggiunte su statue anteriori. Flavius Zeno e Flavius Andronicus godevano di una posizione insolitamente elevata per cittadini privati ad Aphrodisias in questo periodo. II titolo di Flavius Zeno di alto sacerdote, che usa in tutte le iscrizioni, è stato cancellato in uno dei testi ad Aphrodisias; può darsi che il suo sacerdozio non appartenesse al culto imperiale ma alla religione pagana, introdotta da Massimino.

Fifty years ago, when Miss E. L. Wadsworth (Mrs. H. F. Cleland) wrote her monograph on Roman stucco reliefs, still the basic study of the subject, the earliest decorations that she examined in detail were those of a house discovered in the grounds of the Villa Farnesina in Rome. These stuccoes, which have been dated (with a precision perhaps unduly optimistic) to 19 B.C., are generally acknowledged to be among the masterpieces of their medium. From the vaults of three small cubicula come a large number of fragments showing a system of long borders and interlocking rectilinear panels, all framed by shallow mouldings and containing reliefs of great delicacy, of which the most important are landscapes, Dionysiac scenes, Victories, busts, grotesques and floral motifs (cf. Fig. 7, p. 52 and Plates I, a; II, a and b). Unpublished pieces of stucco-work from other vaults in the house repeat the same formula; and all attest the presence of artists of consummate skill and of an art-form which is technically perfect.

Such work represents the culmination of a development, rather than its beginning. Miss Wadsworth was of course aware of this: indeed, she knew of at least one earlier set of decorations, the stuccoes of the Casa dei Grifi on the Palatine, and was only prevented from treating them in full by the fact that they were awaiting a definitive publication. But the general paucity of earlier material forced her to give short shrift to Republican stucco-work and to consign its origins to the realm of conjecture. She suggested that stucco reliefs first appeared in Italy at the time of Sulla, that they originated in Alexandria, and that they were introduced by way of Campania.

Il articolo riesamina le attestazioni riguardanti le caserme dei vigiles e le mette in rapporto col numero dei vigili e con la loro tecnologia. L'evoluzione dell'istituto è considerato nel suo ordine cronologico.

Gli excubitoria (posti di guardia e magazzini) facevano parte dell'istituto dei vigiles fin dalla sua fondazione nell'anno 6 d.c. Le loro caserme (castra) a Roma furono forse fornite originariamente da Nerone. La vessillazione ad Ostia esisteva sotto Domiziano, il quale le forni una caserma, ma forse era stata fondata prima. Nella parte visibile della caserma di Ostia, ci sono segni strutturali che la problematica ala occidentale faceva parte del disegno originario. Nuove piante mostrano il disegno originario, l'edificio completo nel 137 circa, ulteriori modificazioni nel corso del II secolo, e l'edificio con le modificazioni effettuate da Severo. La pianta severiana mostra le poche modificazioni strutturali richieste quando il corpo dei vigili venne raddoppiato nel 205 d.c. Lo sfratto degli inquilini creò lo spazio necessario. Gli excubitoria non richiedevano forme di edificio speciali. I castra erano un tipo di casamento (insula), con caratteristiche distintive, ma senza un piano peculiare.

1. Description of the Area

The area covered by the survey is that in the triangle of land bounded on the southwest by the Via Braccianese from La Storta to Vigna di Valle, on the east by the Valchetta-Cremera and on the northwest by the southern edges of the craters of Bracciano, Martignano and Baccano. The present report follows naturally in the series of articles begun by the publication in the 1968 volume of these Papers of the Ager Veientanus record (Kahane, Murray-Threipland and Ward-Perkins, 1968).

2. Acknowledgements

The material for this survey has been gathered over many years by many people. I should like to thank, in particular, John Ward-Perkins and Anne Kahane for the clear and accessible records of material from the sites which they found along the Via Cassia, the Baccano ridge and the country north of Veii, which have been so easy to work from. Ellen Kohler and Sheldon Judson should be thanked for the support and help which they gave in the early stages of the work, and Joanna Bird for her recent prompt and thorough report on the Terra Sigillata wares found in the area sites. The American Philosophical Society should be thanked for the grant which made it possible to do the necessary and final gathering together of the survey material.

Tra il 37 e il 101, si possono individuare otto consoli patavini. La loro carriera e il loro ruolo sono esaminati in relazione alla loro città, alla regione cispadana, ai temi della vita sociale e del governo centrale. Uno solo di essi emerge come personalità di spicco, Thrasea Paetus, che però non è tipico. Gli altri sono tranquilli uomini convenzionali. Tre sono Ducenii, tre Arruntii.

Si fanno supposizioni su altri due o tre consoli. Commenti inerenti sono forniti sullo studioso Asconius Pedianus — e su altri Asconii, in particolare sull'infausto Asconius Sardus, forse console nei primi anni di Traiano. Si discute della nomenclatura locale Patavina e si notano i contrasti con altre città cispadane, specialmente con Verona e Brixia. Nel contribuire senatori e consoli, Patavium va in declino

In this survey I have attempted to collect all the building costs and other known outlays or charges that have survived from the cities of Roman Africa, omitting only those examples which are purely military and those which date from after the reign of Diocletian. The list is based primarily on an investigation of the published epigraphy of the area, though I have also been able to use five unpublished price-inscriptions. None of the existing indices to the volumes of African inscriptions are comprehensive in their coverage of prices, and so it has been impossible to check whether the list includes all known examples; but it is unlikely that there are large omissions. The provinces from which the material is drawn are as follows: Africa Proconsularis, Numidia (which became an independent province in 197–198 A.D.) and the Mauretanias, Caesariensis and Tingitana. When giving the locality of cities in the province of Proconsularis, I have followed the Diocletianic divisions (Zeugitana, Byzacena, Tripolitania and Numidia Proconsularis) for the sake of closer definition.

This article is a study of the relationship between equestrian rank and local affairs in the cities of Africa Proconsularis, Numidia and the Mauretanias, during the period of the Principate. The discussion centres on the conferment of equestrian rank; the question of how far local office was an avenue to equestrian promotion; and the extent to which local men, having once achieved equestrian or juror rank, continued to take part in municipal affairs.

The enquiry is based on a classified list of knights and iudices in African cities, drawn from epigraphic evidence (pp. 166–183, below). Because the purpose is the limited one of investigating knighthood in the municipal context, some knights have been excluded from the list. Knights who held public office, and who would thus probably have spent substantial parts of their adult life away from their native town, have been omitted, except in cases where they are actually recorded as taking some part in municipal affairs. In fact, a substantial number of those who followed equestrian careers (as distinct from merely receiving equestrian rank) did also participate in municipal affairs, often at the beginning of their careers; and fifty-five entries in the list are made up of procurators (nos. 1-23), and holders of military posts (nos. 41–72).

The conquest of Veii by Rome in 396 B.C. was an event of far-reaching importance. The city of Veii was captured and sacked, and may even for a short while have been deserted. Its territory was appropriated to the Roman state, and those of its inhabitants who were friendly to Rome were incorporated in the four new tribes that were created on this occasion.

It would be idle to deny the long-term significance of these events. Rome's closest political rival had been eliminated and her frontiers extended overnight to the edges of the Great Ciminian Forest. She was inexorably launched on the career of northward expansion which was to lead ultimately to the conquest and annexation of the whole of Etruria. These were indeed epoch-making happenings; but it would be a mistake to exaggerate their immediate impact upon the daily life of the Veian countryside. The fact that a great many of the inhabitants were considered to be sufficiently friendly for incorporation within the Roman franchise suggests that they may also have been left in whole or partial possession of their lands; and even where the land did fall to new masters, the latter would not necessarily have been in any hurry to change the basis of what was evidently a flourishing agricultural economy.

Il principio dei sifoni rovesciati era ben conosciuto a Roma e dal II secolo a.C. erano di uso corrente sia negli impianti idraulici domestici che nei grandi acquedotti del paese. Vengono studiati i resti archeologici dei sifoni tipici, in particolare quelli intorno a Lione, e un'analisi dell'idraulica del loro funzionamento identifica tre sollecitazioni a cui erano sottoposti: pressione statica, frizione e inerzia (= velocitá dell'acqua in movimento). Nonostante la ‘vis spiritus’ di Vitruvio, la pressione dell'aria non rappresentava una difficoltá perchè i sifoni ne erano privi. Esisteva la pressione dell'acqua e, per la legge di fisica idraulica, questa non poteva essere regolata da valvole limitatrici di pressione, ventose o altri dispositivi simili; poteva soltanto essere contenuta, e i ‘colliviaria’ di Vitruvio sono identificati come rubinetti di drenaggio usati anche per la depurazione. Tuttavia, le tubazioni romane erano completamente in grado di resistere alle altissime pressioni prodotte sul fondo dei grandi sifoni e, al contrario di quanto comunemente si crede, la pressione non rappresentava un vero problema nel rifornimento idrico romano, nè i romani tentavano di evitarlo in modo particolare. Ció é dimostrato dalle grandi dimensioni dei sifoni di cui é conosciuto il buon funzionamento — Beaunant, lungo km. 2½ e profondo m. 123, era piú alto di due Ponts du Gard, uno sull'altro, e le sue tubazioni resistevano a una pressione di 12 atmosfere. Se i sifoni non furono usati piú largamente, la cause é probabilmente economica e non tecnica, dato che i ponti in muratura erano meno costosi del trasporto del piombo per le tubazioni.

Among the many fine antiquities of the Roman period that are preserved in Pamphylia, none is more immediately impressive than the aqueduct of Aspendos. The upper town of Aspendos occupies an oval, flat-topped hill, some 50 acres in extent and river about 60 m. above the meadows on the right bank of the Köyürirmaǧi, the ancient river Eurymedon. The rock of which the hill is composed is a coarse, pebbly conglomerate, and despite its modest height the hill-top is sharply defined, with steeply scarped slopes on all four sides. The eastern part of the Pamphylian plain, unlike the level, terraced limestones of the Antalya district, consists of gently rolling quaternary formations. The foothills of the Isaurian mountains are not far distant to the east, and there is higer ground only a short way to the north. But the site of Aspendos was cut off from the former by the Eurymedon itself, and from the latter by the wide, shelving valley of one of its western tributaries; and although the site is not one of outstanding natural strength, it was the obvious choice for a settlement in a district which, in antiquity as today, commanded the lowest practicable crossing for all land-traffic between eastern and western Pamphylia.