This article examines a case of phonological opacity in Uyghur resulting from an interaction between backness harmony and a vowel reduction process that converts harmonic vowels into transparent vowels. A large-scale corpus study shows that although opaque harmony with the underlying form of a reduced vowel is the dominant pattern, cases of surface-apparent harmony also occur. The rate of surface-apparent harmony varies across roots and is correlated with a number of factors, including root frequency. These data pose problems for standard accounts of opacity, which do not predict such variation. I propose an analysis where variation emerges from conflict between a paradigm uniformity constraint mandating that the harmonising behaviour of a root remains consistent, and surface phonotactic constraints. This is implemented in a parallel model by scaling constraint violations according to certainty in a root’s harmonic class. This aligns with past work suggesting some opacity is driven by paradigm uniformity.

Mizo (ISO 639-3 code: lus) is a Tibeto-Burman tone language spoken in Mizoram, India. This work provides an acoustic-phonetic description of Mizo tones spoken in Aizawl. The acoustic features of Mizo tones are modelled after the four tones in the language. The patterns of the f0 contours of the four Mizo tones in this study indicate that three have dynamic f0 contours. The analysis also shows that the f0 slope is crucial in distinguishing the four Mizo tones. Discrete Cosine Transform is used to obtain the average f0 and the f0 slope features of the Mizo tone contours represented by the first three Discrete Cosine Transform coefficients. The first three coefficients of the Discrete Cosine Transform, which are associated with the average f0 and the f0 slope of the four Mizo tone f0 contours, along with the tonal duration, can automatically classify the Mizo tones with an average accuracy of 87.12% using a quadratic discriminant analysis.

In this article, I analyse the word-prosodic system of Drubea and Numèè, two of the rare tonal Oceanic languages. Building on Rivierre’s (1973) seminal work, I show that the word-prosodic system of these two languages can be analysed as involving only register features: an underlying downstep and a postlexical epenthetic upstep. Drubea and Numèè are thus tonal languages without tones stricto sensu. This new type of word-prosodic system has both theoretical and typological implications: (i) register features, defined as in Snider’s (1999) Register Tier Theory, need not be subordinate to or associated with tones, and may exist in the absence of tone, including in underlying representation; (ii) tonal systems come in two types: tone-based systems in which the tonal contrasts are defined paradigmatically, as in most tone languages, and register-based systems where tonal contrasts are defined syntagmatically, as in Drubea and Numèè.

Vowel deletion is frequent in the Chichicastenango dialect of K’iche’ (Maya). Whereas deletion in content words is reportedly predictable based on vowel quality, syllable structure and stress, deletion in function words is much more variable. This article investigates vowel deletion in a corpus of spontaneous, monologic speech. The results show that deletion in content words is highly regular, occurring to lax vowels in unstressed, CV syllables adjacent to the stressed syllable. A difference can be observed between vowels belonging to stress domain internal morphemes and extrametrical morphemes. Deletion in extrametrical morphemes is somewhat less regular, and does not occur in word-final syllables. In function words, vowel deletion is sensitive to similar conditions to those that affect content words, but is highly variable and is influenced by the phrase-level context.

In Paraguayan Guaraní (PG), nasalisation processes affect material to both the left and right of a stressed nasal vowel. While some prior literature has claimed that bidirectional harmony is active in the language, others have noted that progressive nasalisation appears to be morpheme-specific and likely dependent on a different mechanism from regressive nasal harmony. Recent work shows that Spanish-origin lexical items participate in regressive nasal harmony, but the interactions of etymological origin and progressive nasalisation remain unclear. Drawing on a corpus of 26 sociolinguistic interviews as well as elicitation with native speakers of PG, I argue that the mechanisms underlying the two types of nasalisation in the language are in fact different. I propose that PG regressive nasalisation is best analysed as productive nasal harmony, while progressive nasalisation represents a case of morpheme-specific allomorphy. Additionally, though the PG pattern of regressive nasal harmony has been extended to items of Spanish origin, this is not the case for progressive nasalisation. This corpus study provides insight into the specific factors that condition variation in nasalisation processes, contributing to a growing literature investigating variable application of harmony.