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Chapter 7 explains in some detail the principles that guided us in the selection of languages in the 300-languages sample on which the present investigation is based.
Chapter 5 attempts to extend Siewierska’s (1999, 2004) typology of verbal agreement (in person) to adnominal agreement as well. We argue that comparing types of agreement patterns in both domains (the clause for verbal, the NP for adnominal agreement) makes cross-linguistic sense only if we limit our investigation to ambiguous agreement, and this is generally done in the rest of the book.
Chapter 10 attempts to offer a number of historical hypotheses that could explain why the geographical distribution of certain agreement patterns appears to be a priori unexpected. Since verbal agreement has been shown to be very common and evenly distributed among the world's languages, the crucial fact in need of an explanation is the distribution of languages with adnominal agreement, which is areally rather limited. We look at a number of well documented or reasonably well reconstructed cases, including Zande (an Ubangian language), Nilo-Saharan, Daly languages of North Australia, Proto-Indo-European, etc., and discuss the attested and probable paths in the development of adnominal agreement. It is argued that agreement often spreads from the clausal domain, where it is pragmatically motivated, to the domain of the NP, where it is largely redundant.
Chapter 4 deals with a number of phenomena that are sometimes not considered to instantiate agreement (case agreement and person agreement in possessive constructions), as well as with some constructions that are not universally accepted as agreement (constructions with omissible controllers and those with referential targets).
Chapter 8 looks at the areal and genetic distribution of different agreement patterns. The chapter is subdivided into sections, and each section deals with the distribution of agreement patterns in one macro-area (Eurasia, Africa and the Middle East, North America, South America, Australia and Oceania). Each section is recapitulated by a table showing which language families in a particular macro-area can be characterized as either having or lacking a particular agreement pattern.
Chapter 9 applies statistical analyses to establish which agreement patterns are correlated, irrespective of the areas in which they are found. For example, we show that the rareness of languages with adnominal agreement without verbal agreement is statistically unexpected, and that languages with grammatical verbal agreement (i.e. where the controller of verbal agreement is obligatorily present in all clauses) regularly also have some adnominal agreement. On the other hand, we were unable to show any clear correlation between the presence or absence of agreement and word order patterns.
Chapter 3 systematically discusses the syntactic domains in which agreement is found (chiefly the NP and the clause, although the instances of agreement within the domain of the sentence and the discourse are also briefly analysed). It is argued that the most common agreement pattern within the domain of clause is verbal agreement (i.e. the pattern where verbs are targets of agreement), but several typologically unusual cases show that this is not the universal rule. There follows a discussion of grammatical categories involved in agreement, and we focus on the cross-linguistically most common patterns including agreement in gender, number, person and case.