In this chapter, we introduce the concept of phases, a further development of the islands/subjacency/barriers line of investigation, but with many other consequences. We look at the notion of phase and the Phase Impenetrability Condition, in particular Chomsky’s original rigid definition of phases as CP, v*P and DP, which contrasts with Bošković’s contextual definition. We also look

at the consequence of the PIC that successive-cyclic movement has to pass through SpecvP and adduce a range of cross-linguistic evidence in support of this. We then turn to the question of the driver for successive-cyclic movement. The Labelling Algorithm (LA) can provide an elegant account of this. Finally, we see the evidence for a new set of islands and how the contextual definition of phases, the antilocality condition on movement and the PIC conspire to give a narrow window of movement-targets.

Here the focus is on covert cases of wh-movement, i.e. cases where the movement takes place in such a way that it cannot be directly observed in the output of PF, but only in terms of its effects on the semantic interpretation. The best-known example of this kind of wh-movement is found in Mandarin Chinese; accordingly we focus on that language. Next, we look at cases of covert movement in English: Quantifier Raising and wh-movement in multiple questions. Then we turn to the nature of the copies of movement, showing how copies can provide an account of reconstruction of binding-theory relations at the CI interface, as well as of partial movement and doubling at PF.

In this chapter we continue our investigation of hierarchical structure by focusing on the structure of TP and VP, concentrating on the latter. We first look at the structure of the clause. We then turn to the evidence that the subject is generated inside the VP (the VP-internal subject hypothesis, VISH) and raises to SpecT′ in English and many other languages. This leads to further discussion and examples of raising. Finally, we further elaborate the structure of VP, introducing VP-shells, structures where one VP is embedded in another.

In this chapter we continue our investigation of hierarchy by looking at head-movement, i.e. how heads of phrases may move and combine. In addition to seeing how this kind of movement works in technical terms, and what the empirical motivation for it is, we also introduce a major locality condition, the Head Movement Constraint. Then we return briefly to the topic of passives, and introduce raising. Finally, we make a first attempt at formulating a general notion of locality which unifies the Head Movement Constraint with a locality condition applying to both passives and raising.

In this chapter we observe that syntax is mostly silent; given the overall organisation of the grammar, there are good reasons to expect this to be the case. Furthermore, among the silent elements there are, in addition to copies, empty pronouns and covert movement, various kinds of ellipsis. VP or predicate-ellipsis is quite rich in English, while NP-ellipsis is meagre. Ellipsis displays a number of departures from absolute identity of the antecedent and elided constituent, notably but not only sloppy readings and voice mismatches. We also look at the distinction between deep and surface anaphora and, following on from this, evidence that radical prodrop in East Asian languages appears to involve NP- or argument-ellipsis.

This chapter looks at the syntactic, i.e. phrase-structural, definitions of grammatical functions put forward in Chomsky (1965), which we restate using X-bar theory. We then submit these definitions to the ‘relational-grammar critique’, to adopt a term coined by Baker (2001), which suggests not just that Chomsky’s definitions are incorrect, but that something closer to the traditional idea that grammatical functions are primitives of syntactic theory is the right approach. One aspect of this critique is that constituency tests do not give clear results in many languages (English being something of an exception). Instead, we propose that asymmetries in c-command relations can provide us with a more reliable and general guide to constituency, and hence phrase-structural relations. This allows us to maintain a configurational definition of grammatical relations. In the final section of this chapter, we look at a construction which appears to centrally involve grammatical functions: the passive. We will see how the passive can be elegantly and usefully defined in purely phrase-structural terms. The conclusion is that grammatical relations can be reduced to phrase-structural relations, and as such are not primitive elements of syntactic theory. This is an important step in establishing the primacy of configurational, hierarchical, phrase-structural relations.

This chapter and the next two focus on wh-movement and what it can tell us about locality. We look first at the basic properties of wh-movement, then at the evidence that this movement relation is apparently unbounded, followed by a discussion of the very important class of ‘island phenomena’, which lead to the conclusion that wh-movement is not in fact unbounded despite initial appearances. We next look at the subjacency condition, a condition intended to provide a unified account of island phenomena. Finally, we look at the theory of barriers, an important refinement of subjacency.

This chapter looks at the overall goals of generative syntax. It then moves on to a discussion of levels of adequacy for linguistic theory. This leads to a very brief discussion of the development of generative theory since its inception in the 1950s, up to its current version, known as the Minimalist Programme. Finally, we begin the discussion of hierarchy with an exposition of the X-bar theory of phrase structure and the notion of constituency tests as a probe for hierarchical structure.

In this final chapter we look at three main topics. First, we summarise and give an overview of the parameters we have seen in the preceding chapters, to some extent revising them as we go along. Second, we look at the theory of parameters and introduce the notion of parameter hierarchy. Third, we consider some future questions and directions for the theory.

This chapter introduces the theory of abstract Case. Case theory provides an account of what causes A-movement and predicts that many infinitival subject positions cannot be filled with overt arguments, although several types of infinitives have to be distinguished. This leads to a discussion of control phenomena and the movement theory of control.

In this chapter we extend the role of asymmetric c-command still further, showing how it can derive the linear order of terminal nodes by the Linear Correspondence Axiom (LCA). We start by looking at how X′-theory can be parametrised so as to provide an account of cross-linguistic word-order variation in terms of the Head Parameter, before moving on to the c-command-based theory of linear order based on the LCA. We then look at the consequences of LCA-based theory for the analysis of cross-linguistic word-order variation.

Here we first look carefully at how Featural Relativised Minimality applies to wh-movement. This leads to a discussion of the relation between phases and Featural Relativised Minimality. We consider whether it is possible or desirable to reduce phase-based locality to Relativised Minimality or vice versa.

In this chapter we first look at the DP-hypothesis, the idea that nominals are DPs rather than NPs, and that NP is a complement of D. We then refine this idea, motivating a tripartite structure for the nominal, analogous to what we saw for the clause in the previous chapter. Next, we focus on the argument structure of nominals, comparing and contrasting with argument structure in the clause. Finally, we briefly describe the ways in which grammatical functions are marked in nominals, again contrasting this with the clause.