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Under the terms of the Treaty of Trianon of 1920 concluding the First World War, the territory of Hungary was reduced from 325,000 (or, discounting Croatia, autonomous within the kingdom of Hungary, 282,000) to 93,000 sq. km, while her population fell from around 20 million to 7.6 million inhabitants. With this Hungary went from a medium-sized country to one of the region’s small states; by comparison, in terms of territory Poland was more than four times the size of Hungary; Romania more than three times; the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes nearly three times; and Czechoslovakia one and a half times. Romania received the largest area (103,000 sq. km) with more than 5 million inhabitants.
‘Yesterday, a large fixed sign “Victorija” fell from the city hall onto the head of a police detective Alija Delpašić who was afterwards taken to hospital where he died. Investigations are continuing. A report will follow.’ So wrote Ivan Tolj, director of the Ustasha police, from Sarajevo in a telegram to the Ministry of the Interior on 16 December 1941. Earlier that summer, the victory sign had been omnipresent in billboards, placards, on the sides of state buildings and on banners at rallies throughout the Croatian state.
Among the examples of collaborationism in Western Europe, the case of France stands out for its extreme heterogeneity. The ultra-right wing parties in Belgium and Holland that concluded alliances with the Nazis clearly took this step largely from a desire to occupy a favourable place in Adolf Hitler’s post-war Europe. The collaborationists faced the need to quickly prove their worth in the eyes of the Germans who, almost no-one doubted, would soon rule the continent. The war against the common enemy represented by the Soviet Union provided ample opportunities of this kind.
The Slovak language, belonging to the western-Slav language group, is closely related to the Czech language. Both languages are mutually comprehensible and Czechs and Slovaks understand each other. For this reason the Czechs in the past usually considered the Slovaks to be part of the Czech nation and Slovak to be just another dialect of the Czechs. In Slovakia, this idea was not commonly accepted but, still, the idea of Czech-Slovak reciprocity was relatively strong in the nineteenth century. As a result the idea of a common Czecho-Slovak state gradually emanated during the First World War.
Denmark’s involvement in the German war in the east was determined by the limits and options of a small neutral, but occupied state. Joining Nazi Germany’s war against the Soviet Union was a political issue that constituted a serious dilemma for the Danish government. There were no significant ideological obstacles to the decision: anti-Communism was widespread in the government as well as in parliament, among Social Democrats and labour unions, business and civil servants, and throughout most of the population. Prior to signing the Anti-Comintern Pact in November 1941, the Danish Prime Minister Thorvald Stauning, who was also the leader of the Social Democratic Party, was asked about his opinion and replied: ‘Communism? I’ve been fighting it for twenty years.’
About 25,000 Belgians actively served on the eastern front under German command during the Second World War, as members of armed units and the Waffen-SS, but also as workers or drivers in the Organisation Todt, the National Socialist Motor Corps (Nationalsozialistisches Kraftfahrkorps – NSKK) and the German Red Cross (about 600 Flemish women served as nurses).
On the evening of 26 June 1941, Finns gathered around their radio receivers to listen to a speech by their President Risto Ryti. His message was dramatic but predictable: Finland, a sparsely populated but territorially large Scandinavian democracy on the northeastern shores of the Baltic Sea, had once again stumbled into a war with its mighty neighbor to the East. Since the launching of Operation Barbarossa four days earlier, the Soviet air force had bombed Finnish coastal defences. During the following days airfields and large towns also became the targets of air attacks, prompting the Finnish parliament, on the afternoon of 25 June, to give its unanimous backing to a government statement declaring a state of war.
What role did Scotland play in the British state's war against Revolutionary France, and its efforts to halt the influence of French revolutionary political ideology at home? This book examines the Scottish contribution to the British state during the 1790s, with a view to establish how the government of Scotland met and handled the specific challenges it faced over the course of the decade, and the extent to which the Scots rallied to the defence of Britain at this time of crisis. Key Features: Archival study of Scotland's role in the French revolution * Examines the Scottish government's level of involvement * Covers political trials and military recruitment * Looks at loyalist demonstrations and ideology * Analyses financial backing of wars
Communist forces in the Vietnam War lost most battles and suffered disproportionally higher casualties than the United States and its allies throughout the conflict. The ground war in South Vietnam and the air war in the North were certainly important in shaping the fates of the victors and losers, but they alone fail to explain why Hanoi bested Washington in the end. To make sense of the Vietnam War, we must look beyond the war itself. In his new work, Pierre Asselin explains the formative experiences and worldview of the men who devised communist strategies and tactics during the conflict, and analyzes their rationale and impact. Drawing on two decades of research in Vietnam's own archives, including classified policy statements and reports, Asselin expertly and straightforwardly relates the Vietnamese communist experience - and the reasons the war turned out the way it did.
The reasons behind Hitler's invasion of the Soviet Union are well known, but what about those of the other Axis and non-Axis powers that joined Operation Barbarossa? Six other European armies fought with the Wehrmacht in 1941 and six more countries sent volunteers, as well as there being countless collaborators in the east of various nationalities who were willing to work with the Germans in 1941. The political, social and military context behind why so many nations and groups of volunteers opted to join Hitler's war in the east reflects the many diverse, and largely unknown, roads that led to Operation Barbarossa. With each chapter dealing with a new country and every author being a subject matter expert on that nation, proficient in the local language and historiography, this fascinating new study offers unparalleled insight into non-German participation on the Eastern Front in 1941.