A Primeira República (1889–1930) é considerada um divisor de águas da história cultural brasileira graças ao modernismo. No entanto, muito do que foi escrito sobre o período deriva diretamente das concepções nacionalistas dos modernistas, que estabeleceram o paradigma da identidade nacional que ainda hoje é válido, o que leva à desconsideração dos trabalhos da geração que lhes é anterior. O objetivo deste artigo é problematizar emergência de um campo artístico autônomo no Brasil a partir de uma análise das tomadas de posição dos atores da época frente ao par “nacionalismo” e “cosmopolitismo”. O argumento central é que esse período marca o começo da ascensão de um regime artístico moderno no Brasil, que tem como base a ideia de autonomização de campo profissional, que se realiza em um espaço artístico e literário nacional secundário dentro do espaço mundial. Assim, para se autonomizar e proclamar sua liberdade estética, as artes no Brasil devem se libertar não somente da dominação política, mas também da dominação internacional.

This study addresses how AI-generated images of war are changing the making of memory. Instead of asking how AI-generated images affect individual recall, we focus on how they communicate specific representations, recognising that such portrayals can cultivate particular assumptions and beliefs. Drawing on memory of the multitude, visual social semiotics, and cultivation/desensitisation theories, we analyse how visual generative AI mediates the representation of the Russia-Ukraine war. Our corpus includes 200 images of the Russia-Ukraine war generated from 23 prompts across proprietary and open-source visual generative AI systems. The findings indicate that visual generative AI tends to present a sanitised view of the war. Critical aspects, such as death, injury, and suffering of children and refugees are often excluded. Furthermore, a disproportional focus on urban areas misrepresents the full scope of the war. Visual generative AI, we argue, introduces a new dimension to memory making in that it blends documentation with speculative fiction by synthesising the multitude embedded within the visual memory of war archives, historical biases, representational limitations, and commercial risk aversion. By foregrounding the socio-technical and discursive dimensions of synthetic war content, this study contributes to an interdisciplinary dialogue on collective memory at the intersection of visual communication studies, media studies, and memory studies by providing empirical insights into how generative AI mediates the visual representation of war through human-archival-mechanistic entanglements.

We study the effects of immigration on natives’ marriage, fertility, and family formation across U.S. cities between 1910 and 1930. Using a shift-share design, we find that natives living in cities that received more immigrants were more likely to marry, have children, and leave the parental house earlier. Our evidence suggests that immigration increased native men’s employment, thereby raising the supply of native “marriageable men.” We consider alternative channels—such as compositional changes among the natives, sex ratios, natives’ cultural reactions, and economic competition faced by native women. We conclude that none of them, alone, can explain our results.

This article explores how ontological insecurity shaped Cold War collaboration between the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) and Turkey, and how their shared anti-communist anxiety produced lasting far-right consequences. Drawing on newly examined archival documents, it argues that communism was not merely a geopolitical or ideological threat but an existential danger to the state’s self in both countries. In response, the FRG and Turkey built a security partnership that extended into diaspora governance and intelligence coordination, often empowering far-right nationalist networks as bulwarks against leftist mobilization. These covert strategies – particularly the cultivation of far-right Turkish actors within Germany – were rationalized at the time as necessary countermeasures but ultimately contributed to long-term radicalization and blowback. By applying the framework of ontological security, the article reinterprets Cold War alliance dynamics as driven as much by existential anxieties as by strategic calculations. It concludes that contemporary German efforts to confront Turkish far-right extremism – such as the designation of the Grey Wolves as a security threat – risk obscuring this deeper legacy, producing a form of selective amnesia that externalizes a problem the FRG helped create.

Following the recent resurgence of capitalism as a key subject in historical analysis, historians have highlighted the globally interconnected making and remaking of capitalism. Commodity-centered histories in global history have shown how to write locally grounded histories of global capitalism, emphasizing the complex and contingent relationship between the local and the global. In these accounts, however, businesses and global firms rarely appear as the analytical centerpiece. We argue that the globally active firm provides an ideal prism for writing locally grounded histories of global capitalism. Furthermore, drawing on recent usages of assemblage theory in economic history, we propose viewing “the global firm” as a “capitalist assemblage” in order to capture the spatiotemporally contingent processes through which capitalism and distinct ways of organizing business, labor, and life under capitalism emerged and evolved at specific sites and times. This approach will contribute to global studies and address limitations in business history’s treatment of the global firm.