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The book review section of a quarterly such as the one in the History of Education Quarterly might be useful in a variety of ways. First and obviously, it would provide a listing along with some comment concerning writing being done in history of education, a convenient service for anyone who would be aware of what is current in the field. Other journals of course would likely serve the purpose of providing notices of current writing adequately enough, though all too often this comment may be the ruminations of a staff writer, or even an outright “pitch” for selling books. This review section could offer somewhat more than a listing with comment and that is a review of each work by one qualified professionally to criticize, to praise, to blame, to judge relevance and competence, to relate to other works in history and education—in sum, to make a professional appraisal of the book. Such reviewing in this review section would likely be of interest to everyone concerned with history of education, but it would be of special value to those who are doing research and writing in the field. The profession owes these scholars this sort of critical attention, that in illuminating the successes as well as failures in their work, their scholarly efforts may be encouraged.
Professor Drake's paper begins by suggesting that more careful study of the historical relation between religion and education would help both to upgrade the teaching profession and to clarify the confusion in present-day educational policy. Many of us would, I think, agree. The footnote references in the body of the paper, however, indicate that it rests upon only three volumes dealing with the facts of educational history: John Brubacher, History of the Problems of Education; Adolph E. Meyer, The Development of Education in the Twentieth Century; and William Gellemman, The American Legion As Educator. For religious history, Professor Drake rests his case on three or four such works as Florence Simmonds, Orpheus, A History of Religions and Salo W. Baron's Modern Nationalism and Religion. The analysis of the “roots of the God-state idea,” and indeed the definition of that idea in both Biblical and historical terms seems to be drawn from Herbert Muller's Uses of the Past, George P. Grant's Philosophy in the Mass Age, and the volumes by Brubacher and Simmonds. The source documents he cites beyond Hegel's Logic are essays by the Reverend Billy Graham and the not very reverend Harold Lasswell, two items from the Congressional Record for 1960 and 1962, and a volume by J. P. Bang, published in 1917 under the title Hurrah and Hallelujah. The last he recommends as “excellent primary source material for the Protestant point of view.”
A valuable perspective on William Maclure's unique approach to education for a good society is provided by Professor Burgess' study. Although the spread of the essentially “enlightenment faith in education” of the nineteenth century to which the paper refers is well known and emphasized by historians of education, the specific contribution of Maclure is perhaps less well recognized. Thus we are provided with an insight into his work and thought that goes beyond the usual account of his experiment with Robert Owen at New Harmony, to a trenchant analysis of the design of his plan for social reform through education.
Comparison of Dewey and Jefferson as to philosophy and philosophy of education promises a fruitful field of research which it is hoped will occupy some scholar in the near future. Many have suggested it, not the least of them being Dewey himself who compiled many of Jefferson's writings for the Modern Library. The present effort attempts only to examine briefly certain similarities in their works as these works help to develop the thesis that all philosophy of education has its foundation in value theory.
It is strange in these days of increasing demands on the school that voices from an age of unlimited faith in the power of schooling—such voices as that of George Counts in the 1930's, Lester Frank Ward in the 1890's, or William Maclure in the 1830's—sound strangely archaic. In some respects our age expects more of the schools than did theirs; in others—particularly in the domain of social reform—vastly less. When set against their hopes and dreams, ours are trivial. Perhaps so are our efforts.
It is sometimes helpful, in this age of mass education with its attendant anxiety over and concern for any and all pedagogical techniques that will aid the learning process, to remember that no age has been without such concern nor without teachers who have attempted to solve such problems. There were a number of teachers in the early middle ages who realized that students and teachers alike could profit from advice in such matters and who accordingly devoted themselves to assisting either students to learn or teachers to present subject matter in such a way that students could profit accordingly. Two such individuals were Augustine of Hippo and Hugo of St. Victor who, though separated from his predecessor and objet d'admiration by at least 700 years, nevertheless followed him to such a degree that he was known as the “alter Augustinus.”
The purpose of this paper is to trace some of the educational developments in British India which later shaped the thinking of educators in Pakistan and to discuss the educational aspirations of Pakistan within the broader context of Pakistan society. The first section contains a description of some educational reform plans prepared in pre-independence India. The second section deals with the circumstances of the partition of the Indo-Pakistan sub-continent from the standpoint of Pakistan and with the political and economic conditions which appeared to influence educational reforms in Pakistan. In the final section, some salient recommendations for educational advancement in Pakistan are examined and it is noted that the government of Pakistan has conceived of its schools as instruments for the reconstruction of Pakistani society.
The publication of Lawrence Cremin's The Transformation of the School, which is subtitled Progressivism in American Education, 1876–1957, was a noteworthy occasion for students of American culture in general and of American education in particular. This volume marked the conclusion of the first thoroughgoing attempt to study progressivism in American education. Such an attempt is welcomed by those who have long hoped to see a work which considers progressive education as a significant contribution to American thought and character, rather than as an anti-intellectual and irresponsible hocus-pocus, as many of its detractors and caricaturists would have us believe. For those who would read history instead of the over-simplified and often downright irresponsible caricatures and detractions of progressive education, there is in Cremin's study ample evidence to demonstrate that “the word progressive provides the clue to what it was: the educational phase of American Progressivism writ large.”
An unpublished ninth-century document which has apparently survived in a single copy has pertinence for historians of education as a prototype of licensing examinations. The document reports the results of an oral examination administered in the empire of Charles the Great in A.D. 809. Although a number of textbooks, some in catechistic form, have survived from the period of the Carolingian revival of learning, I know nothing else of this kind. For all save the few historians of early medieval mathematics, it needs a brief historical and technical introduction.
The education of southern Negroes during the Civil War period should be a significant part of the history of education in the United States. Unfortunately little has been written on that topic despite the existence of voluminous manuscripts and documents. Beyond a narrow circle of Negro scholars, even the name of Mary S. Peake is unfamiliar. Mary S. Peake is significant because she was the first day school teacher during this period. Her school, however, was not the only one of its kind from the beginning. On September 24, 1861, Lewis C. Lockwood, the sponsor of Peake's school, sponsored a similar school at Fortress Monroe under the instruction of another free Negro woman, Mrs. Bailey, assisted by Miss Jennings with James, a bright boy as monitor. About Mrs. Bailey and her school, little was known except that Union Premier was used and a Rev. Palmer Litts sent by the American Missionary Association eventually replaced her. Lockwood also established a “private” school for adults and children at Hygeia Hospital instructed by a crippled Negro. Between his own arrival on September 4, 1861 at Fortress Monroe and the end of the year, Lockwood had established at least three day schools between Fortress Monroe and Hampton. In this beginning effort, by circumstances or by choice, Lockwood relied on local resources to launch an inconspicuous but significant educational movement.