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Between the fifth and first century BC, calendars that compiled astronomical and meteorological information, known as parapēgmata, came to be used throughout the Greek-speaking world. In the course of the Hellenistic period, numerous such almanacs attributed to scientific authorities who operated in different regions were circulating, some of which emphasized distinct atmospheric phenomena. By ca. 100 BC at the latest, individuals and communities began combining astrometeorological parapēgmata to produce their own, including inscribed public versions. I argue that politically active citizens and doctors would have benefited from the use of these calendars within the context of the Hellenistic polis because weather was believed to have a direct impact on the collective food supply and health of communities and such documents were perceived as an invaluable tool for anticipating important atmospheric changes, determining when meteorological thresholds were crossed and building consensus for communal action taken in response.
This article re-examines the A-scholia to Homer, Iliad 11.101 (= SH 701 = Posidippus 144 AB) and their reinterpretation of the term sôros, which designates the location where Aristarchus discovered the ‘Bêrisos epigram’ of Posidippus. The article challenges the prevailing and widely embraced hypothesis positing that sôros serves as the title of a lost collection of Hellenistic epigrams.
In the region of Cyrenaica is located the rural sanctuary of Martuba, where two altars and a set of statues have been discovered that have traditionally been linked to the goddess Isis. However, through a comparison with other elements belonging both to the region and to Numidian and Phoenician-Punic areas, as well as Egypt, this paper defends their identification not with the Egyptian divinity, but with the one with which a process of hybridisation or religious bricolage took place at some point prior to Herodotus, the puissance divine called for convenience ‘Luna’ (Moon). This suggests the presence of two intertwined cultural traditions that have contributed to the formation of an innovative and distinct local reality. The resultant cultural artefact is characterised by a synthesis of influences from dominant cultures, such as Roman and Egyptian, while retaining distinctive elements that are unique to the Libyan-Phoenician tradition.
In Greek literature, the barber is always portrayed as a garrulous chatterbox and his shop as a central place for gossip and rumours. Apart from these numerous anecdotes, however, few scholars have investigated the concrete realities of the profession and the actual status of barbers in the Greek East (including Egypt). This paper seeks to fill this gap. It is based on a careful social and economic analysis of the profession, including barbers’ workspaces, their social recognition as skilled craftsmen, their funerary and religious practices, their relationships with their clients, as well as their income, wages and expenses. It attempts to re-place ancient barbers in their socio-professional and socio-economic environment, and to reconstruct some aspects of their daily lives that go beyond the statements of ancient authors and their elite discourse. By systematically cross-referencing all available historical data (literary texts, inscriptions, papyri, ostraca, iconographic and archaeological sources), the paper shows how their lives and status differ from their representation in the literary sources in order to bring these everyday workers out of the shadows and rehabilitate them as historical actors in Greek and Hellenized societies.
Modern accounts of the great war between the Athenians and the Spartans in the late fifth century BC have simply reanalysed the gripping analysis of military and political events given by Thucydides. But a great deal of other evidence survives from this best-known of all periods of Athenian history. This book exploits that evidence and our rich knowledge of ancient Greek society to reveal the Peloponnesian War as not just an event but an experience that reshaped Athenian society as it was happening. It looks again not merely at the causes of the war and its military and political narratives, but at how the war reshaped the world, for men, for women, and even for the gods. This book not only re-illuminates the most dramatic years of classical Athenian history, it reshapes what it is to write history.
The Bronze Age Aegean and Cyprus were home to a plethora of scripts, including Cretan Hieroglyphic, Linear A and Linear B, Cypro-Minoan and Cypro-Syllabic. This Element is dedicated to the conventionally named 'Minoan' Linear A script, used on Crete and the Aegean islands during the Middle and Late Bronze Age (ca. 1800–1450 BCE). Linear A is still undeciphered, and the language it encodes ('Minoan') thus remains elusive. Notwithstanding, scholars have been able to extract a good amount of information from Linear A inscriptions and their contexts of use. Current ongoing research, integrating the materiality of script with linguistic analysis, offers a cutting-edge approach with promising results. This Element considers Linear A within an investigative framework as well as narrative, shedding light on a number of burning questions in the field, often the subject of intense academic debate.
In this chapter, a particular form of intercession, namely snatching from the gallows, highlights how the existence of different moral codes could generate tension in society. An insistence on mercy, especially but not exclusively found in ecclesiastical discourse, conflicted with the logic of imperial law, which did foresee the death penalty for certain crimes. In recognition of this moral imperative, we see emperors recalling at the last moment from the scaffold individuals whom they had themselves condemned, whilst the people and especially monks also interrupted executions. The usually lenient way in which emperors dealt with such illegal actions shows how upholding the legal order stood in tension with the virtue that was expected of the emperor.
The final chapter demonstrates what the implications of the model developed are for one of the central figures of Late Antique society, the emperor, which plays a crucial role in current interpretations. Building on and nuancing the two current frameworks, constitutionalism and acceptance theory, the chapter argues that we can make sense of imperial power in Late Antiquity by seeing it as a virtue-based social role and tied into practices that both enabled the emperor to exercise power and constrained it. Whilst a long scholarly tradition considers that the Later Roman Empire is marked by the expansion of imperial power and an increased distance between emperor and subject, symbolized in the expansion of bureaucracy and ceremony, it is argued here that even in this period the role of the emperor was conceived of, and exercised, in interaction with other individuals and the people.
The introductory chapter details what is gained by using the concept of social role when studying power relations in Late Antiquity and how it ties in well with ancient ideas about why people act in the way they do. It shows how Late Antique thought and practice conceptualized social hierarchies in moral terms and argues that precisely the expectation that social and moral hierarchies coincide injects the dynamism in social interactions that this book chronicles. It also underscores that society was conceived of as held together by justice and shows how this was intertwined with hierarchical conceptions of society and the cosmos.
This chapter focuses on parrhesia, the ancient term for criticizing a superior, typically the emperor. This was a particularly tricky thing to do, not only given the power of the emperor, but also because the superior was supposed to be more virtuous than their inferior. Through a display of virtue, the inferior could temporarily overcome the social distance and speak out. Contrary to current views that parrhesia was only really possible in democratic societies and therefore in Late Antiquity the preserve of marginal figures of society, such as holy men, I show that parrhesia was a much more widespread practice that, however, demanded great skill and courage.
This chapter argues that petitions have hitherto been too narrowly studied as bureaucratic acts defined by Roman law and shifts attention to informal petitions, whereby any superior could be petitioned even when they did not have formal power, and to oral petitions, whereby immediate justice was demanded. Petitions then appear as reflecting a culture of entreaty characteristic for a hierarchical society.
This chapter argues that in the Late Antique notion of “the people,” a normative aspect is present: the people is not just a social designation, but also acquires a constitutional sense if a group of individuals puts itself in a relationship of justice with the emperor (or, for that matter, a bishop). Indeed, the notion of emperor and people are coconstitutive: the one cannot exist without the other. This helps us to understand the political role the people played in Late Antique society, in the absence of institutions such as voting assemblies through which it could express itself. Seen through this lens, riots are occasions when it was questioned if the ruler truly was just. If the relationship could not be mended, the people could favor someone else as ruler. Thus, although there were numerous riots in Late Antiquity, they never questioned the social system but only sought to establish a personal interaction that could ensure justice.