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Greek attitudes to settlement and territory were often articulated through myths and cults. This book emphasizes less the poetic, timeless qualities of the myths than their historical function in the archaic and Classical periods, covering the spectrum from explicit charter myths legitimating conquest, displacement, and settlement to the 'precedent-setting' and even aetiological myths, rendering new landscapes 'Greek'. This spectrum is broadest in the world of Spartan colonization – the Spartan Mediterranean – where the greater challenges to territorial possession and Sparta's acute self-awareness of its relative national youthfulness elicited explicit responses in the form of charter myths. The concept of a Spartan Mediterranean, in contrast to the image of a land-locked Sparta, is a major contribution of this book. This revised edition contains a substantial new Introduction which engages with critical and scholarly developments on Sparta since the original publication.
How are poetry and the figure of the poet represented, discussed, contested within the poetry of ancient Greece? From what position does a poet speak? With what authority? With what debts to the past? With what involvement in the present? Through a series of interrelated essays on Homer, lyric poetry, Aristophanes, Theocritus and Apollonius of Rhodes, this landmark volume discusses key aspects of the history of poetics: tale-telling and the representation of man as the user of language; memorial and praise; parody, comedy and carnival; irony, masks and desire; the legacy of the past and the idea of influence. Detailed readings of major works of Greek literature and liberal use of critical writings from outside Classics help to align modern and ancient poetics in enlightening ways. This revised edition contains a substantial new Introduction which engages with critical and scholarly developments in Greek literature since the original publication.
[I] Q. Mucius augur multa narrare de C. Laelio socero suo memoriter et iucunde solebat, nec dubitare illum in omni sermone appellare sapientem. ego autem a patre ita eram deductus ad Scaeuolam sumpta uirili toga ut quoad possem et liceret a senis latere numquam discederem. itaque multa ab eo prudenter disputata, multa etiam breuiter et commode dicta memoriae mandabam fierique studebam eius prudentia doctior.
The preface falls into two parts. In the first (1–3), C. establishes his source for the dialogue he is about to recount: he claims to have heard it in 88 bce from his mentor Q. Mucius Scaevola Augur, who recounted to a group of friends a conversation on the topic of friendship that he and C. Fannius had with their father-in-law C. Laelius Sapiens in 129. Just as Scaevola had allegedly retained Laelius’ words, so too C. claims to report Scaevola’s account from memory. In the second part (4–5), the author turns to the work’s dedicatee, his friend Atticus, and explains his rationale in setting up the dialogue the way he has, with a venerable speaker from an earlier generation discoursing on a topic with expertise and authority. Thus, just as in C.’s earlier De senectute the old man Cato discusses old age, in Amic. Laelius – renowned for his friendship with the younger Scipio – talks about friendship. And just as C. had dedicated De senectute to Atticus as an old man to an old man, he now writes for the same dedicatee as one friend to another, encouraging him to immerse himself fully in the fiction of the dialogue and hear “Laelius” speak.
Cicero wrote his Laelius de amicitia (Amic.) in the fall of 44 bce, at a time when he was becoming increasingly drawn into the turbulent political events precipitated by the assassination of Julius Caesar on 15 March. He was 62 years old and could look back on a distinguished career as a statesman, orator, and author of rhetorical and philosophical works but – as so often during his life – he found himself deeply concerned about the state of the Roman commonwealth. Disregard for the republican political process, competing factions and individuals, and the growing threat of violence and civil war meant that Cicero had to fear not only for the well-being of the res publica but also for his own. His concerns were only too justified: before the end of the following year, Cicero was dead, murdered at the behest of the newly established Second Triumvirate.
Philo's Quod deterius is a discussion of the Cain and Abel episode in the Bible. Philo follows the Greek translation of the Septuagint, not the Hebrew text, although he may have known traditions that relied on the Hebrew. His treatment of the text is unique, combining elements of traditional Greek commentary on literary texts, moralizing diatribe in highly wrought rhetorical language, midrashic-like exegesis involving the extensive use of other biblical passages, and philosophical theory. The present commentary illuminates these various components of Philo's discussion, especially by means of parallel texts, pagan, Jewish, and Christian, from across antiquity. Using these sources and paying attention to ancient exegetical thinking, Adam Kamesar attempts to trace the overall direction and coherence of what Philo is saying. This kind of treatment of Philo's allegorical treatises has rarely been undertaken before on this scale. The volume also includes a new English translation of the work.