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This translation is based on Hartmut Erbse’s edition of the scholia maiora to the Iliad. In the case of D-scholia indicated but not edited by Erbse, I follow Helmut van Thiel’s edition of the D-scholia, but I prioritize the text of Venetus A, reporting major discrepancies between A and the text of the d-mss. in the footnotes. The translations of P.Hawara (Appendix A) and P.Oxy. 8.1086 (Appendix B) follow the editions of Erbse and John Lundon, respectively. Aside from the text, this translation also adopts the layout and conventions of Erbse’s edition, which I outline below.
Scholia, broadly defined, are comments about a featured text that are inserted into the free spaces around it.1 In the specialized sense in which the term is used by modern scholars of ancient Greek literary texts, scholia are comments on ancient authorial texts excerpted from earlier works of scholarship and preserved in medieval manuscripts, typically inserted as marginal or interlinear notes around the text being commented upon.2 While scholiastic corpora exist for many works of ancient Greek literature,3 the scholia to the Iliad are by far the richest and most extensive collection of scholia extant, filling thousands of pages of the most comprehensive critical edition currently available, the edition on which the translation in this volume is based.4 These scholia offer a unique window into centuries of ancient and medieval scholarship on the Iliad, from the editorial activity of Alexandrian philologists and the literary exegesis of Imperial and Late Antique commentators to the grammatical and lexical work of Byzantine scholars.
There is a question as to why he started from “wrath,” such an ominous word. It is for these two reasons: first, to purify the relevant part of the soul of the emotion; to make the audience more attentive in view of the magnitude; and to train us to bear calamities with fortitude, as he was about to describe battles. Second, to make his praise of the Greeks more plausible. Since he was about to depict the Greeks winning, he sensibly reproaches them here, gaining credibility by not exclusively indulging in praise of them. | He began from “wrath” because this has proven to be a starting point for men of action. Furthermore, he invented a tragic beginning for tragedies. Indeed, the narration of misfortunes makes us attentive, and, like an excellent doctor, he stirs up the maladies of the soul first, and then provides the remedy later. It is characteristically Greek to provide pleasures at the end. | Note: just as with a fig, at first it is unripe, then nearly ripe, ripe, and overripe, so too first there is temper, then anger, rage, grudge, and wrath.
Origen of Alexandria stands at the headwaters of the entire history of Gospel reading. In this study of the earliest extant Gospel commentaries, Samuel Johnson explores questions, often associated with modern Gospel criticism, that were already formative of the first moments of the Christian interpretative tradition. Origen's approach to the Gospels in fact arose from straightforward historical and literary critical judgments: the Gospel narratives interweave things that happened with things that did not. Origen discerned that the Gospels depict events in Jesus's life not merely as matters of historical fact, but also figuratively. He did not just interpret the Gospels allegorically. Johnson demonstrates that Origen believed the Gospel writers themselves were figurative readers of the life of Jesus. Origen thus found no contradiction between discerning the truth of the Christian Gospels and facing the critical challenges of their literary form and formation. Johnson's study shows how they constitute a single unified vision.
Intellectual conflict between Early Christians and pagans was not uncommon during the first centuries of the Christian era, as is amply reflected in writings from this period. In this study, Brad Boswell deepens our understanding of the nature and aims of such conflict through a study of two key texts: Against the Galileans, by Roman Emperor Julian 'the Apostate,' and Against Julian, by bishop Cyril of Alexandria written nearly a century later. Drawing from Alasdair MacIntyre's philosophy of conflict between traditions, he explores how both texts were an exercise in 'narrative conflict' whose aim was to demonstrate the superior explanatory power of their respective traditions' narrative. Acknowledging the shared cultural formation between a pagan like Julian and a Christian like Cyril, Boswell challenges interpretive models emphasizing the points of commonality between the traditions. He offers a fresh approach to Julian's anti-Christian writings, provides the foundational analysis of Cyril's little-studied treatise, and invites reconsideration of the emerging Christian tradition within its intellectual contexts.
Ancient Christians understood themselves to be enslaved to God, an attitude that affected their ethics, theology, and self-understanding. This widespread belief is made especially clear in the Shepherd of Hermas, an overlooked early Christian text written by an enslaved person, which was nearly included in the New Testament. In this book, Chance Bonar provides a robust analysis of the ancient discourses and practices of slavery found in the Shepherd of Hermas. He shows how the text characterizes God's enslaved persons as useful, loyal property who could be put to work, surveilled, and disciplined throughout their lives – and the afterlife. Bonar also investigates the notion that God enslaved believers, which allowed the Shepherd to theorize key early Christian concepts more deeply and in light of ancient Mediterranean slavery. Bonar's study clarifies the depth to which early Christians were entrenched – intellectually, practically, and theologically – in Roman slave society. It also demonstrates how the Shepherd offers new approaches to early Christian literary and historical interpretation.