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In 362/363 the Roman emperor Julian composed a treatise titled Against the Galileans in which he set forth his reasons for abandoning Christianity and returning to devotion to the traditional Greco-Roman deities. Sixty years later Cyril, bishop of Alexandria, composed a response. His resulting treatise Against Julian would dwarf the size of Julian's original work and in fact serves as our primary source for the fragments of it that have survived. Julian's treatise was the most sophisticated critique of Christianity to have been composed in antiquity and Cyril's rebuttal was equally learned. The Christian bishop not only responded directly to Julian's own words but drew upon a wide range of ancient literature, including poetry, history, philosophy, and religious works to undermine the emperor's critiques of the Christian Bible and bolster the intellectual legitimacy of Christian belief and practice. This is the first full translation of the work into English.
This Element revisits the historiographical and archaeological paradigms of Roman rural economies, with a particular focus on the peasant communities of Roman Iberia. Traditionally overshadowed by the dominance of the villa schiavistica model, which centers on large-scale slave-operated agricultural estates, recent interdisciplinary research has unveiled the complexity and persistence of peasant economies. By integrating data from archaeological surveys, rescue excavations, and textual analyses, this volume highlights the significance of dispersed settlements, small-scale farms, and sustainable agrarian strategies that defined the peasant landscape. Case studies from diverse sectors of the Iberian Peninsula demonstrate diverse modes of land use, such as intensive cultivation, crop rotation, and manuring, which contrast with the economic assumptions tied to elite-dominated production models. Furthermore, the author explores Roman peasants' socio-economic structures and adaptive strategies, emphasizing their pivotal role in shaping landscapes. This Element advocates for reexamining Roman peasantries as active and complex agents in ancient history.
At first Antiochos [IV] acted with seriousness, saying that he had no desire for the kingdom of Egypt, despite his extensive military preparations for war, but that he only wished to help in securing the elder Ptolemy [VI] his ancestral rule.1 This was in no way true, and in fact he wanted to intervene in the struggle between the youths and thus gain great favor as a starting point in mastering Egypt without effort.2 But fortune chose to test his plans and deprive him of the reason he had selected, and he was revealed as one of the many rulers who considered nothing more useful than profit.
(1) After the destruction of the Carthaginians,1 Sicily had sixty years of prosperity in every way, but then the Slave War occurred for the following reasons.2 The locals had greatly improved their lives and acquired great wealth, and purchased a large number of slaves. As soon as they were brought in from the slave markets in large groups, marks and brands were placed on their bodies. The young men were used as herdsmen and the others in whatever ways each might be useful. But they were treated harshly in their service, and were provided with scant nourishment and as little clothing as possible. Thus most of them sustained their lives by brigandage, and there was slaughter everywhere, since the brigands were like scattered groups of soldiers.3
Sertorius1 saw that the onrush of the locals could not be restrained, and acted harshly toward his allies.2 Some he arraigned and put to death, others he put under guard, and he confiscated the property of the wealthiest. He collected a large amount of silver and gold yet did not place it in the common treasury for the war but stored it for himself. He did not pay his soldiers from it, nor share it with the other commanders. He did not hold capital cases with his council or advisors, but heard them himself as the sole judge, passing the sentences. He was unwilling to invite his commanders to his meals and showed no courtesy to his friends. In general, because of the weakening of his position, he became exasperated and acted tyrannically toward everyone.
Delion was a sanctuary not far from Chalkis.1 Because the king had begun the war against the Romans through sacrilege, he was blasphemed by the Hellenes.2 Flamininus,3 spending time at Corinth, called upon all men and gods to witness that the war had been started by the king.4
(1) Neither the poet nor the historian, nor any craftsman using the rules of literary composition, is able completely to please every reader, for human nature, even if reaching the highest level of accomplishment, is never beyond reproach and accepted by everyone.1 Thus Pheidias2 was greatly admired for his production of ivory images, Praxiteles3 combined the emotions of the soul with works in stone, and Apelles4 and Parrhasios5 brought the art of painting to its peak through their experience in mixing colors. Yet none of them was so successful in his work that he could display the result of his ability and be completely free of reproach.
From the time that all human deeds began to be handed down through the records of history, and for the memory of posterity, the greatest war known to us was the Marsic, named after the Marsians.1 It surpassed all previous ones in terms of the bravery of its commanders and the size of its accomplishments.2 The Trojan War and the valor of its heroes were dramatically made known by the most distinguished of poets, Homer, so that their reputation is superior.3 There Europe was fighting against Asia and the greatest continents were earnestly striving for victory. Thus the deeds of the combatants brought it about that for successive people the theaters have been filled with their tragic and mythic achievements.
Hamilkar the Carthaginian, called Barkas, and his son Hannibal were said to have been the greatest of the Carthaginian commanders, not only more so than their predecessors, but also those who came later. By their deeds they greatly increased their native land.
The present volume is a translation and commentary of books 21–40 of Diodoros’ Bibliotheke Historike, the first English version of these books in over half a century. The text used is that of the Budé edition of Paul Goukowsky with some adjustments from the Loeb of Francis Walton and the present author. The ordering and numbering of fragments generally follows that of the Budé text.
The Lusitanians at first did not have a worthy leader, and thus were easily defeated in the war with the Romans, but later, after they found Viriathus, they inflicted great damage on the Romans.1 He was one of the Lusitanians2 who lived near the Ocean and was a shepherd from childhood, accustomed to a life in the mountains. He was assisted by the nature of his body, since in his strength, quickness, and agility he was far superior to the rest of the Iberians. He was accustomed to little food and much exercise, and only as much sleep as was necessary. In general, by living under arms and always contending with wild beasts and brigands, he became famous among the people and was chosen to be their leader, and in a short period gathered a group of brigands around him.3
Nabis, the tyrannos of the Lakedaimonians, killed Pelops the son of King Lykourgos, who was a child at the time.1 This was a matter of precaution, since the child, when he came of age, might restore the freedom of his country, using the assurance of his noble birth. He also selected the most accomplished Lakedaimonians and put them to death, and gathered mercenaries of the worst type from everywhere to guard his power. Thus temple robbers, thieves, brigands, and those sentenced to death came to Sparta from every place. He had made himself tyrannos through his impiety, and he believed that only by such people could he best be guarded.