This article contributes new knowledge on the insertion of Spain into the European integration project and shows how European Investment Bank (EIB) policy, in the form of loans, helped boost the Spanish economy. EIB loans to Spain promoted both the Trans-European Networks (TENs) and the funding of enterprises. We argue that the funding of TENs encouraged the integration of Spain into the European space, whilst the funding of enterprises helped consolidate their competitive position, facilitating their expansion abroad.

Building on a newly compiled database of all extant respondentia contracts from Manila’s notarial protocols between 1736 and 1800, this article examines the overlooked role that the Manila correspondencia played as the crucial private-order institutional mechanism financing Manila’s long-distance silver trade. This instrument organized the structure of long-distance capital flows stretching out from Manila across its intra-Asian and trans-Pacific commercial lines, allowing investors to make claims on future returns and apportion risks in the absence of an adequate public-order institutional framework for high volumes of exchange. Combining the respondentia dataset with account books for institutional lenders (the obras pías), we argue that the Manila correspondencia’s contractual elements offered a specific solution to the Fundamental Problem of Exchange between Asia and the Americas. The contract’s flexibility proved ideal for Manila’s diverse combination of individual and institutional investors to participate in the profits of cross-cultural trade, while offering security and guarantees.

This research examines whether women legislators represent more than their male counterparts the interests of disadvantaged groups in society, such as women themselves, the poor, migrants, LGBT groups, or indigenous peoples. Our main hypothesis is that women legislators are more active in promoting the interests of disadvantaged groups. Also, we expect to observe disparities in the representation of disadvantaged groups as a function of legislators’ ideology. To test our arguments, data are examined from parliamentary speeches and meetings with interest groups held in the Chilean Chamber of Deputies from 2014 to 2022. The inferences drawn from the data uphold the hypothesis that gender does affect the degree to which legislators represent the interests of disadvantaged groups. Moreover, ideology also explains variation: left-wing legislators embrace more often the representation of marginalized groups.

Scholars have debated Esteban Montejo ever since the publication of Biografía de un cimarrón (1966). This article analyses hitherto unexamined documentary records of Montejo’s participation in Cuban cinema, which illustrate how Montejo and cinematographers mutually constructed narratives of slavery, revolution and African-inspired death. Studies of Cuban revolutionary cinema have barely investigated the role of ‘informants’ in the process of film production, as most scholars continue to place film directors centre stage. This article shows how social actors engaged in memory work to shape the structures of Cuban history within an ‘audiovisual interface’. It takes its cue from scholars who have highlighted how Black Caribbean subjects engaged with the means of historical production, arguing that Montejo historicised his experiences with the archival tools of the revolutionary state but beyond a politics of national liberation.

US control over the Panama Canal symbolised Washington’s dominance in Latin America. The Torrijos–Carter Treaties of 1977, concluding years of negotiations, marked a turning point by transferring control over the Canal to Panama. This work focuses on the crucial May 1977 round of negotiations, a pivotal yet underexplored period, whose outcome laid the foundation for the treaties, addressing key issues such as control over the Canal Zone and the neutrality of the Canal. This study addresses gaps in the existing literature through newly available archival sources, offering a more detailed understanding of the negotiations that shaped the future of the Panama Canal.

How does the form of community dissent shape public support for coercive state policies? This article addresses this question through a vignette experiment on coca forced eradication in Colombia. Participants were randomly assigned to scenarios in which communities either verbally objected to or mobilized against coercive eradication efforts. Exposure to mobilization, compared to verbal objection, reduces support for both unconditional eradication and outright opposition. By contrast, it increases support for eradication conditioned on community consent. These effects are consistent across racial frames, suggesting that the impact of dissent form may transcend ethnic boundaries. We interpret these findings as evidence that visible, organized community dissent can shift public preferences toward more community-centered and conditional approaches. These findings contribute to research on protest, state coercion, and public opinion by showing that the form of dissent shapes support for coercive state interventions.

This study examines sea loans in the Portuguese Empire (1600–1800). Structured as contingent contracts, this kind of credit served as a risk-sharing agreement for financing transoceanic trade routes. Using notarial protocols and court records, the study examines how maritime regulations, international political relations, and information problems influenced the pricing of loan agreements. The study demonstrates that the introduction of the convoy system, which distinguished Portugal–Brazilian connections, coincided with a downward trend in sea loan rates, which converged with those of safer short-term lending instruments. In contrast, periods of war and free navigation increased uncertainty, making maritime insurance and sea loans complementary instruments for risk management.

Mass street protests and other highly contentious actions often capture headlines and public attention, but what remains after the news cycle moves on? Many times, grassroots initiatives crystallise during or after these intense moments of participation, leaving in their wake effective organisations that continue to make daily life more liveable in contexts of extreme vulnerability. Despite the persistence and impact of these ‘things that work’ – as we call them – they are often less visible and understudied. How do these initiatives emerge and sustain themselves in the communities in which they work? Using ethnographic methods, we investigate the case of a community centre formed in the wake of a land occupation in the urban periphery of Buenos Aires to answer these questions. We argue that grassroots initiatives build local power through everyday care-work: forming relationships, changing identities and providing valuable services and information.

This article examines the geographical distribution of tuberculosis mortality in Italy from 1891 to 1951 and its relationship with industrialisation. During this period, industrialisation brought about profound changes, although it affected the north and south of the country unequally. During the same period, the incidence of pulmonary tuberculosis increased, and the disease became a major health problem. Tuberculosis spread mainly among industrial workers and in densely populated urban areas, where living and working conditions were often precarious. Overall, the incidence of pulmonary tuberculosis was significantly higher in the more industrialised provinces of the North than in the backward provinces of the South. This article shows a positive correlation between pulmonary tuberculosis mortality and the levels of provincial industrialisation.

There is a marked tendency to view Latin America’s twentieth-century international history through the lens of US hegemony, and Europe has been particularly impacted by this historiographical trend. On the basis of a review of 41 articles published in The Americas over the past 81 years, this essay explores The Americas’ important role in promoting scholarship on the variety of connections between Latin America and Europe. By bringing together two temporal currents—the chronology of history and the chronology of historiography—it traces how scholarship on Latin America’s twentieth-century relationship with the wider world has evolved. During the Cold War years, the majority of articles focused on Latin America as an arena for great power/superpower rivalry, but from the end of the previous century, scholars publishing in the journal made increasing use of different scales of analysis to uncover the multidimensional flows across the Atlantic. Ultimately, work published in The Americas on twentieth-century transnational relations has shown that Latin America and Latin Americans are important actors on the global stage with significant agency in drawing upon separate international influences and alliances to best suit their own domestic purposes, sometimes with significant consequences for the wider world.