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The last quarter of the first millennium and the beginning of the second millennium are characterized by a confrontation between pagan beliefs and Christianity. Converting European peoples to Christianity proved to be a quite lengthy and complex process. The Christianization of the pagan European peoples was largely achieved “from above,” which is to say by the conversion of leaders, which led to the conversion of their subjects; this was the case, for example, for the Czechs, the Bulgarians, the Russians, the Hungarians, and many others.
The emergence and spread of Christianity in the Carpathian-Danubian regions was not the result of some officially imposed action or through organized missionary activities, which led to the uneven and delayed conversion of the population in these regions. The advancement of Christianity north of the Lower Danube in the early medieval period must be understood in terms of the process of converting to the new religion of the neighbouring peoples. The Bulgarian Khan Boris was baptized in the summer of 865 by a bishop at the head of a group of clerics sent from Constantinople for this occasion, and Emperor Michael III was the godfather of the baptism, which was why the Khan, in all probability, took Michael as his Christian name. After the Christianization of the Bulgarians, there was a thaw in Bulgarian-Byzantine relations. Thus the official Christianization of the Bulgarians, carried out with the direct contribution of Byzantium, had a direct impact on the process of the advancement of Christianity in the territories north of the Lower Danube after the second half of the ninth century. P. Iambor noticed, correctly, that in the Romanian historiography, probably for fear of political interference, “they pass too easily over explaining the origin of some medieval institutions, especially the adoption of the Slavonic language in the church, culture, and the medieval Romanian chancery.” The absence of sufficiently developed political entities in the Carpathian-Danubian regions during the eighth– ninth centuries excluded this area from the direct attention of Byzantium and only to the extent that some areas were under Bulgarian influence or domination did they enter the sphere of Christian influence. The situation changed only after the fall of the Bulgarian Khanate when Byzantium restored its dominance in the Danubian regions.
AS A RESULT of field surveys and (rescue or systematic) archaeological excavations, a rich and diverse array of archaeological material regarding the populations to the north of the Lower Danube in the eighth– ninth centuries have been assembled. Registering, mapping, and analysing these archaeological data allow us to distinguish some archaeological features of human habitation from this period in the regions that are the subject of this research. Geo-climatic conditions have played an important role in influencing the lifestyle of human society and thus in the study of the peculiarities of habitations from particular eras.
The Carpathian-Danube basin has undergone many environmental changes over the past two millennia; geo-climatic conditions directly influenced the lifestyle of human societies. The natural features of the landscape are also important in studying changes in the environment in relation to the human habitat. An increase or decrease in the number of archaeological sites in a region speaks of the attractiveness or insignificance of that area in the period studied.
During the Holocene, the development of a temperate climate favoured the development of complex vegetation. Beech forests came from areas west and northwest; oak forests came from the south, and steppe vegetation came from the east. During the time of the Roman Empire (150 BC to AD 300) a cooling period began that lasted until about AD 900, the so-called Roman Climatic Optimum (although the average global temperature remained relatively warm until about AD 600). The archaeological record of the Carpathian-Danube region from the end of the seventh until the late ninth century reveals significant historical developments in Central and Southeast Europe. The lower chronological limit marks the migration of the Bulgars south of the Danube (680/ 681) and the upper limit coincides with the movement of the Hungarians from the East-European steppes to Pannonia (895/ 896).
After a cold period with higher-than-average precipitation at the end of seventh century, a dry period started that peaked at the end of eighth century and affected large areas of Asia and Western Europe.
Rock-art researchers have long acknowledged the importance of discerning superimposition sequences as a means for exploring chronology. Despite their potential for reconstructing painting events and thus informing on a site's production sequences, the social significance of superimpositions and their associated meanings have been little explored. In the Kimberley Region of northwestern Australia, interpretations of superimpositions as an analytical lens have often lingered on the ‘negative’ connotations of this practice (e.g. to destroy supernatural power embedded in previous paintings and/or to show cultural dominance). As a result, it has been proposed that the overpainting of previous images was tantamount to defacing, leading to the proposition that new images constituted a form of vandalism of older art. In this paper, a sample of rock-art sites from the northwestern and northeastern Kimberley is analysed with the aim of grounding the study of superimpositions in more nuanced practices, leading researchers to contemplate the role they played among populations within the same area. It is argued here that superimpositions brought together past and present experiences that served to reinforce the links between contemporary art production and the inherited landscape.
A massacre took place inside the Sandby borg ringfort, southeast Sweden, at the end of the fifth century. The victims were not buried, but left where they died. In order to understand why the corpses were left unburied, and how they were perceived following the violent event, a theoretical framework is developed and integrated with the results of osteological analysis. I discuss the contemporary normative treatment of the dead, social response to death and postmortem agency with emphasis on intergroup conflict and ‘bad death’. The treatment of the dead in Sandby borg deviates from known contemporary practices. I am proposing that leaving the bodies unburied might be viewed as an aggressive social action. The corpses exerted postmortem agency to the benefit of the perpetrators, at the expense of the victims and their sympathizers. The gain for the perpetrators was likely political power through redrawing the victim's biographies, spatial memory and the social and territorial landscape. The denial of a proper death likely led to shame, hindering of regeneration and an eternal state of limbo.
The establishment and use of space is a culturally constructed dimension of the human experience that is figurative, metaphorical, and analogical in nature. Such phenomena are mapped and encoded in people's spatial and cultural cognition and they are constituted and reconstituted during moments of migration onto new lands. In this paper it is argued that analysing the spatial dimensions that are enacted by a social group during its migration offers scholars a means to ascertain the metaphorical meaning of the lives of its members. Examining such processes also enables archaeologists to identify and interpret the nature of cultural continuity during such movements. The paper presents the results of examining the nature of cultural continuity in the configurations and patterns of ancient house structures and settlements that were established and then abandoned by the Kaushi, a Paiwan group in southern Taiwan, as they migrated and colonized and created a new cultural landscape.
Whaling was a central aspect of Nuu-chah-nulth, Ditidaht and Makah culture on the northwest coast of North America. Not only was it economically important, it was vital to chiefly prestige. Art and ceremonial life were dominated by themes related to whaling. Thunderbird, the great supernatural whaler, was the source of hereditary prerogatives held by chiefs, including names, dances, regalia and rights to display images of thunderbird and whale. This paper argues that human observations of predatory behaviour by orcas (or killer whales) led to these animals also being perceived as non-human whalers from which chiefly prerogatives could be obtained. Wolves, the main figures in Nuu-chah-nulth ceremonial life, had the power to transform into orcas, explaining their frequent presence in the art with thunderbirds and whales. This paper presents archaeological evidence for orca in the context of whaling and offers interpretations based on the extensive ethnographic and oral historical records. It also places perceptions of animals, the role of the hunter's wife and beliefs about orca in a broader context involving hunting societies in northwestern North America.
This paper proposes that the organization of crafts may be a key catalyst in the emergence of urban communities. This is argued through a reassessment of finds from a non-ferrous metal workshop from the eighth century excavated in Ribe, Denmark. We analyse 3D laser scans in order to classify previously unidentified mould fragments, which show that the workshop produced a range of metal parts for composite products like wooden chests, belts and horse harnesses. Such production required an operational network, or réseau opératoire, to combine the necessary skills and expertise of several artisanal specializations. The need for collaboration between specialized craftspeople would have been a decisive incentive for the formation of permanent communities of an urban character. These observations point to a neglected bottom-up driver for the development of early urbanization.
Ugarit was a highly cosmopolitan, multilingual and multiscript city at the intersection of several major Late Bronze Age political and cultural spheres of influence. In the thirteenth century bc, the city adopted a new alphabetic cuneiform writing system in the local language for certain uses alongside the Akkadian language, script and scribal practices that were standard throughout the Near East. Previous research has seen this as ‘vernacularization’, in response to the city's encounter with Mesopotamian culture. Recent improvements in our understanding of the date of Ugarit's adoption of alphabetic cuneiform render this unlikely, and this paper instead argues that we should see this vernacularization as part of Ugarit's negotiation of, and resistance to, their encounter with Hittite imperialism. Furthermore, it stands as a specific, Ugaritian, manifestation of similar trends apparent across a number of East Mediterranean societies in response to the economic and political globalism of Late Bronze Age élite culture. As such, these changes in Ugaritian scribal practice have implications for our wider understanding of the end of the Late Bronze Age.