An introductory chapter briefly outlines relevant historiography of courtier studies in general and analyses of elite female servants more narrowly. This introduction establishes important classifications of household servants and demonstrates how roles and terminology shifted over time as the royal court and household grew in both size and complexity over the course of the later Middle Ages. In addition to illuminating categories of female service, the introduction details the sources and methodology employed to produce this analysis of medieval English ladies-in-waiting, highlighting the goals, successes, and limits of this kind of prosopographical methodology. The introduction argues that an analysis of ladies-in-waiting offers insight into female social networks, gender dynamics at court, and issues of power, authority, and wealth, along with how women accessed these features, in late medieval society.

Napoleon is widely admired as a military strategist who embraced the violence of modern war and understood the potential of mass armies. Yet he wrote little about the practice of strategy beyond a few rather bland maxims, claiming to rely on offence and opportunism on the battlefield. But these offensive tactics had a strategic purpose. He sought to crush his opponents in decisive battles, not just to destroy enemy armies but to impose his will in the peace talks that followed. As First Consul and later as Emperor he channelled the resources of the state to the cause of military success and imperial expansion. His goal was political as much as it was military, mobilising all the resources of the Empire in its pursuit. Napoleon conscripted mass armies in the lands he conquered, imposed French-style administrative systems, and imposed taxes and customs duties. He was focused on Europe, where the other powers developed their own strategies to counter him, repeatedly forging alliances to defend their sovereignty and to thwart his imperial ambitions. Each country had its own war aims. Russia looked to expand into the Balkans, Prussia to conquer Poland, and Britain to consolidate its colonial presence overseas.

Chapter 1 examines the general political, social, economic, and cultural aspects of early post-Nazi Romania, looking at the political struggle and the main economic and social developments. This chapter also discusses the official and unofficial (popular) antisemitism that did not disappear from local society and how it impacted Jewish lives during the first post-Holocaust years.

This chapter, the result of extensive fieldwork primarily focusing on Shanghai and Wuhan, where the most significant lockdowns occurred, uncovers the unexamined role of Chinese homeowners and their associations in monitoring and resisting the party-state’s encroachments on individual rights during the COVID pandemic, a phenomenon I term “cooperating to resist.” This chapter demonstrates that the cooperation of Chinese homeowners, which was indispensable to the party-state’s ability to maintain its pandemic control measures, brought them the power to mobilize, resist, and contribute to an abrupt ending of China’s lockdown policy which the party-state’s top leadership had attached its legitimacy to.

In this chapter Soviet strategy in practice is viewed through the lens of Soviet interventions within the Soviet bloc: East Germany in 1953, Hungary in 1956 and Czechoslovakia in 1968. The Kremlin’s struggle for justifying interventions within the socialist bloc provides an interesting analysis of the decision making, objectives, priorities and means of Soviet intervention, while also allowing an examination of the extent to which the Soviet leadership learnt from previous mistakes. The interventions illustrate an interesting kind of progression from unilateral decision making in 1953 to consultation of Soviet allies within the Warsaw Pact, and beyond in 1956 to a so-called ‘coalition of the willing’ of five Warsaw Pact countries, which collectively intervened in Czechoslovakia in August 1968. Concerns for the security and integrity of the Soviet bloc as well as fears for a domino-effect of unrest spilling over into neighbouring Warsaw Pact countries informed Soviet decision making. This chapter accordingly also argues that the Kremlin was increasingly reluctant to intervene, as shown in the Solidarnosc trade union crisis in Poland in 1980–1981. The chapter concludes with a brief comparison with the motives and methods of Russian president Vladimir Putin to invade Ukraine in 24 February 2022.

Chapter 5 discusses the postwar international struggle for and against restitution carried out by the Romanian government and the local and international Jewish organizations that aimed to convince the Allies who prepared the peace treaty with Romania. On the one hand, it shows the local Jewish leaders’ and organizations’ efforts to obtain restitution, reparations, and restoration of rights by enlisting support from international Jewish organizations and Allied (Western) politicians. On the other hand, it highlights how most of the Romanian politicians and diplomats tried to limit restitution in favor of the Jews. In this chapter, the author also discusses other reparative justice measures adopted by the post-Antonescu governments, including the payment of limited reparations (pensions to some categories of survivors of camps, ghettos, and pogroms) and the return of citizenship.

This chapter argues that it is ethical to buy sweatshop products. It explains why arguments to the contrary made in the business ethics literature fail, why sweatshops are not wrongfully exploitative, and why it is better to benefit workers a little bit rather than not at all. It also considers how background injustices impact the ethics of sweatshop employment, and finally reviews issues of worker autonomy and goals other than the welfare of sweatshop workers.

Several chapters in this volume draw attention to the multiple human rights violations that international migrants face on their journey. This chapter argues that simply calling for a strengthening of migrants’ rights is not enough. If we want to combat the de facto lawlessness of modern migration regimes and the resulting rightlessness of international migrants, we need to enhance not only migrants’ legal rights, but also their political agency and hence develop new political institutions which are accountable to both citizens and migrants. Yet, rather than advocating a global reform, this chapter proposes a model of demoi-cratic migration governance. Migrants’ mobility and membership rights should no longer remain within the absolute discretion of single states or nations but should become the object of reciprocal decision-making between them. Compared with both national and global reforms, demoi-cratic decision-making has a double advantage. It protects the continued existence of bounded political communities which form its central building blocks while at the same time strengthening the voice of international migrants by transforming the citizens of all participating states into potential migrants who, via their national representatives, can codetermine the rights that they will be granted in other member states.