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In Somalia the boom in labor remittances inflows fueled a different type of informal economy. More specifically, while the oil boom period reduced the Somali state’s ability to regulate the economy as in Egypt and Sudan, the consequences of this development differed. In Somalia informal financial networks facilitated a thriving commercial sector comprised of firms oriented around clan families. It was not religious or class affiliations, but rather ethnic mobilization and conflict that became the most salient. This difference was due to two factors: the dearth of formally organized institutions (i.e., official banks, and publicly registered enterprises); and the fact that President Siad Barre pitted one clan against another in his search for legitimacy and financed a patronage system excluding clans and constituencies that opposed his rule. Thus, with the expansion of the parallel economy, the politics of ethnicity and personalistic networks quickly eclipsed the power of the state.
This chapter explores the ideas and political movements of the CYP in warlord China through three sections. The first section characterizes the CYP’s ideology by its cultural conservatism, political intellectualism, and integral nationalism based on a combination of transformed federalism and corporatism specific to the Chinese sociopolitical context, particularly through the ideological debates of the CYP founders with Communists between 1924 and 1927. The second section delves into the CYP’s mass political movements of different types. Finally, as a precondition for the CYP’s rapid development in north China and Manchuria, the third section explores how the CYP created friendly political environments by collaborating with leading regional warlords in different periods.
This chapter examines the CYP’s local construction in Sichuan between 1926 and 1937. Through its organization of the students and teachers in educational circles, its work with local gentry through the case of the Relief Committee (Anfu weiyuanui), and its quest for the support of local warlords, this chapter highlights the CYP’s successful local operations in Sichuan in this period. By so doing, this chapter helps readers understand the regional variations of China’s state construction during the Republican era.
In Somalia the boom in labor remittances inflows fueled a different type of informal economy. More specifically, while the oil boom period reduced the Somali state’s ability to regulate the economy as in Egypt and Sudan, the consequences of this development differed. In Somalia informal financial networks facilitated a thriving commercial sector comprised of firms oriented around clan families. It was not religious or class affiliations, but rather ethnic mobilization and conflict that became the most salient. This difference was due to two factors: the dearth of formally organized institutions (i.e., official banks, and publicly registered enterprises); and the fact that President Siad Barre pitted one clan against another in his search for legitimacy and financed a patronage system excluding clans and constituencies that opposed his rule. Thus, with the expansion of the parallel economy, the politics of ethnicity and personalistic networks quickly eclipsed the power of the state.
The Tang dynasty, which lasted from 618 to 907, was typical of China’s great imperial regimes in that it owed its creation to successful military action and saw its subsequent fortunes shaped to a very great extent by events on the battlefield; when its military power waned the dynasty faltered, and when that power had dissipated completely it fell. In the Tang, as under earlier and later dynasties, the ruling elites were intensely interested in matters of military policy and strategy, with military expenditures claiming the largest portion of the state’s revenues. For the Tang, as for all of the other dynasties, the image of Confucian sage kings ruling by moral suasion, without reference to force of arms, belongs to the realm of myth rather than reality.
The years immediately following the Revolution of 1911, when Yuan Shih-k'ai was president of the first Chinese republic emphasizes the beginnings of warlordism. It also stresses the continuities with the pre-revolutionary years and sees the Revolution of 1911 as an early climax in a nationalist movement to invigorate politics and society. The ambiguity of the revolutionary aftermath began with the negotiated settlement of the revolution itself. The social conservatism of the 1911 Revolution and the scope given to gentry power in the new order make understandable such politics among those most oppressed. It was apparently believed, at least by Yuan Shih-k'ai, that the switch to a monarchy would keep the Japanese, with their own monarchical proclivities, at bay until the war ended. It appears that the two failed political experiments of the early republic liberal government and dictatorship contributed to each other's destruction. Yuan's dictatorship collapsed with themonarchy.
The Nationalist Revolution of the 1920s succeeded because of a remarkable mobilization of human energy and material resources in the service of patriotic and revolutionary goals. This chapter discusses the rejuvenating the Kuomintang, creation of a revolutionary military force, conflict in the Kwangtung base, and the Russian financing of Chinese revolutionary activities. The patriotic purposes of the Northern Expedition was to liberate China from the warlords and win its rightful place of equality among the nations, with friendship for all. The disastrous Canton uprising, engineered by a small group of daring Chinese communist leaders to carry out general instructions of the new Provisional Politburo in Shanghai, marked a low point in the Communist Party's long struggle for power. Now the country had five main agglomerations of regional military power: the group proclaiming itself the Nationalist government, the Kwangsi faction, Feng Yii-hsiang's Kuominchiin, Yen Hsi-shan of Shansi, and Chang Hsuehliang and other Manchurian generals controlling domestic affairs in the North-east.
The time between 1916 and 1928 is commonly called the 'warlord period'. While warlords used such personal ties to cultivate the loyalty of their officers, their subordinates often had similar relationships with their own juniors. Some commanders tried to minimize these secondary loyalties, and focus all allegiance directly on themselves, but it was difficult to eliminate them. The percentage of public revenue actually devoted to public purposes evidently declined in most provinces through the warlord era. The chaos of warlordism, and the concomitant weakness of the Peking government, rendered China peculiarly vulnerable to foreign pressures and encroachments. This chapter looks at some events to note how militarism supervened and finally supplanted the vestiges of constitutionalism. On the one hand, the warlord years represented the low point of political unity and national strength in the twentieth century. On the other hand, they also represented the peak of intellectual and literary achievement.
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