This essay argues that the women, life, freedom movement should be understood as crucial site for the study of revolutionary praxis and feminist theory from which scholars and activists around the world can learn. While much attention has been given to efforts to co-opt the movement by monarchist and other “regime change” factions in diaspora, a lesser-known diasporic consequence has been the creation of Iranian feminist collectives oriented around intersectional and anti-colonial forms of transnational solidarity. By analyzing three such collectives that aimed to uplift critical feminist orientations emerging from the uprising in Iran, I chart shifts in ideas about organization, the meaning of revolution, and the contours of a “decolonial” feminist analysis in the Iranian context. I argue that these Iranian feminist collectives have built on the transnational feminist practice of making connections across differences, placing their critique of the Iranian state in relation to other iterations of patriarchal and militarized authoritarianism globally, including in the west.

From 1967 onward, the ANC in exile recruited young non-South Africans classified as “white” to carry out clandestine solidarity missions because of their ability to travel freely around the country. Drawing on the recollections of these recruits, as documented in two books and presented in a series of webinars, this article examines how they exploited their white privilege to support the liberation struggle. By foregrounding female perspectives and focusing on the tensions caused by concealing political convictions, the article provides new insights into daily life in the underground movement and sheds light on this lesser-known dimension of international solidarity.

This article examines diasporic Iranian responses to protests sparked by the death of Jina (Mahsa) Amini in September 2022. While Amini’s death galvanized widespread dissent inside Iran, it also spurred diasporic Iranian solidarity, often expressed through the call to “be the voice” of Iranian protestors. I analyze two key practices of diasporic narration: first, framing the Woman, Life, Freedom protests as a “revolution” in social media discourse; and second, the circulation of nostalgic video montages idealizing pre-1979 Iran as a lost era of political freedom. Together, these practices reveal how diasporic narratives may dilute protest demands by fitting them into revisionist frameworks. The conclusion reflects on both the potential and limits of diaspora narration in shaping political memory and understanding.

This article examines the role solidarity magazines played for the first generation of global Palestine activists. Through an analysis of Scandinavian magazines of the late 1960s and early 1970s, and microhistories of the first generation of solidarity activists in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden based on interviews, memoirs, novels, and letters, this article examines how the first Palestine committees and the foundational notions of the Palestinian cause were formed. This article argues that the solidarity magazine became a central forum for the co-creation of Palestine solidarity between Palestinians and their sympathizers. Viewing solidarity as a result of joint political and intellectual labor gives agency to solidarity as a third space between national solidarity movements and Third World liberation movements. By taking this approach, this article reads magazines as an aperture into the first iteration of Palestine as a global cause.

In From Survival Cannibalism to Climate Politics (2025) as well as in Law and Politics from the Sea (2024) Mann proposes the ‘commonist lifeboat’ as a political metaphor for the age of climate change. This response to Itamar Mann’s re-reading of Regina vs. Dudley and Stephens proposes a materialist reading of his political theory of the ‘commonist lifeboat’, arguing that the lifeboat may be a metaphorical and practical site from which alternatives to our current ways of doing and thinking about politics in times of climate crisis might emerge. The text brings Mann’s lifeboat into conversation with my own and other scholars’ work on radical vessels – historical and contemporary – in order to demonstrate and expand its analytical capacity as a more-than-metaphorical term. Building on Mann’s use of the lifeboat as a metaphor and a site of maritime custom, I propose to understand the ‘commonist lifeboat’ also as a material container that operates in a specific material environment: the sea. I argue that a focus on the materiality of the sea and of the lifeboat may point to political practice, community and customs yet to be invented, which may help us navigate the turbulent political environment of our time.

This essay explores central aspects of the relationship between money and national health policy from the passage of Medicare in 1965 to the present, including the two most sweeping attempts at system reinvention during that period: the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act of 2010 (ACA), and the failed Health Security Act of the early 1990s. Its point is not that ethical professionalism has prevailed, though it survives on the skill and dedication of nurses, physicians, and other health care workers. Rather, its point is that one should not criticize the morality of change without interrogating the morality of the status quo. In the 1990s, Jerome Kassirer wrote that “a system in which there is no equity is, in fact, already unethical.” The same can be said for a system that overfunds medical care and underfunds other essential social investments, including education. A system that, moreover, cannot be justified by the limited morality of competition in the marketplace because it does not — and could not absent radical change — perform as a functioning market would. In terms of robust market competition with its winners and losers, U.S. health care has been, at worst, a sheep in wolf’s clothing.

This article conceptualises voice as a constellation, examining how objects, images, and sounds (or their absence) speak to the lived experiences of displacement. Drawing from a British Academy-funded project with a Syrian artist collective and a women-led social entrepreneurship initiative in Istanbul, we explore the affective assemblages of loss, belonging, and forced displacement through an ethnographic mode of listening. Bringing together a crocheted life jacket, a painting, and a piece of music that cannot be played, we consider how a politics of listening can offer new ways of understanding forced displacement and agency beyond voice as speech or narrative. We advocate for an approach that foregrounds thick solidarity, collective expression, and intersubjective relations of vocality.

We investigate whether informal support is sensitive to the extent to which individuals can influence their income risk exposure by opting into risk. In a laboratory experiment with slum dwellers in Nairobi, we measure subjects’ transfers to a worse-off partner under both random assignment, and self-selection into a safe or risky project. Our experimental design allows us to discriminate between different possible explanations for why giving behaviour might change when risk exposure is self-selected. We find that solidary support is independent of the partners’ choice of risk exposure, which contradicts attributions of responsibility for neediness and ex-post choice egalitarianism. Instead, we find that support depends on donors’ risk preferences. Risk-takers seem to feel less obliged to share the profits they earn from their choices compared to subjects who earn equally high profits by pure luck. Our results have important implications for anti-poverty policies that aim at encouraging risky investments.

This paper examines a protest tour in Okinawa in which participants travelled from different prefectures in Japan to protest against construction of a new military base at Henoko. Drawing on participant observation, surveys, and interviews with group members and a peace-tour guide, it examines how participants experienced Okinawa as a destination of political activismm, and assesses their experience. The tour contributed to developing a sense of solidarity among the participants in support of demilitarization in Okinawa. Protest tourism provided a space for education about militarism on the ground. However, drawing from the fields of critical tourism studies and indigenous studies, the paper also draws attention to the challenges of framing a protest tour as a strategy for demilitarization. I develop the notion of “souvenirs of solidarity” to reflect on broader issues concerning US bases in Okinawa, Japan and the Pacific and the possibilities for anti-base activism.

According to the model of exchange as mutual assistance, an exchange can be perceived as a joint activity for mutual benefit – and needn’t involve any self-directed motives at all. This essay pushes back against this new defence of market motives. The essay develops an alternative ideal of production as caring solidarity, in which production is a joint activity of caring about one another. Points of overlap and difference are developed in some detail. The essay concludes by discussing the implications for an economics of caring solidarity, with discussion of the limitations of various market socialist strategies.