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Edited by
Grażyna Baranowska, Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg,Milica Kolaković-Bojović, Institute of Criminological and Sociological Research, Belgrade
In September 2023, the United Nations Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances (WGEID) joined the numerous Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council which, over the past decade, analysed the subject of the human rights impacts of new technologies and it published a thematic study on ‘new technologies and enforced disappearances’. The Chapter briefly presents the gestation and contents of the study, but its main aim is to analyse the role played – if any – by new technologies, and in particular digital, information and communication technologies, in the regular activities of the WGEID, with a view at identifying innovative methods to carry out its mandate. The functions of the WGEID are illustrated, together with the opportunities that new technologies may offer to perform them. The challenges currently posed to the WGEID and its ‘counterparts’ by the use of new technologies in terms of security, verification and accessibility are also considered. The concluding remarks offer a reflection on how some of the findings and observations made with regard to the WGEID could be relevant also for the work of the Committee on Enforced Disappearances.
Chapter 1 is the introductory chapter. It introduces the reader to the two seemingly complementary global imperatives of ‘dealing with the past’ and ensuring non-repetition of mass atrocities. The chapter sets up a conundrum about transitional justice, ontological (in)securities, and non-recurrence. It then proceeds with a summary of the book’s key questions and core arguments. The chapter subsequently puts forward a brief history of the evolution of transitional justice as a global project, a vehicle of peace as well as security, discussing the claimed intersections between transitional justice and ‘Never Again’. This is followed by brief notes on methodology and contributions of the book. In outlining the contributions, the chapter demonstrates how the book interacts with and enriches scholarly knowledge in the field of transitional justice as well as in ontological security studies. Finally, the chapter introduces the outline of the book with brief chapter summaries.
Chapter 5 continues to explore the connections and disconnections between the transitional justice project and non-recurrence of conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). It proposes that education can make or break meaningful assurances of conflict non-recurrence. The chapter demonstrates how ethnically segregated history teaching in BiH plays a key role in the maintenance of a post-conflict status quo which has frozen certain anxieties around the uncertain future of peace in the country. Further, the chapter posits that the global project of transitional justice, while not responsible for the burgeoning ethnonationalism, has actively made bad situations worse with its short-sighted security priorities and general misunderstanding of security as lived experience. In particular, the chapter focuses on how and why the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia undertook a role of an educator of the BiH youth and public and how the advocates of the transitional justice project have ignored the complexity of the prevention needs of the BiH society.
The rise of antagonism between the German and Czech nationalist activists in the mid-19th century has been neither clearly explained nor convincingly dated. Although this is a topic closely linked to the history of nationalism, the state of research has paradoxically been misguided by the nationalist approach adopted by historians analyzing it. The reason is that nationalism was not the cause but just one response to a greater phenomenon. The aim of the article is therefore to clarify the German-Czech relationship in the broader context of European history and the history of international relations using the perspective of geopolitics and security. As it claims, it was not cultural, linguistic, or constitutional issues but the fear of external threats that caused the mutual distrust of political activists that led to hostility and conflicting policies. Under the impact of international events and within the context of their relations to other international actors this process originated in 1839 by the latest. During subsequent years it developed rapidly and became obvious during the 1848 revolutions. The article thus reveals that this year did not represent the beginning but merely another chapter in a process that had begun nearly a decade earlier.
Technological developments and affordable price structures have increased the usage of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) across almost all sectors, hence increasing demand. Since UAVs can fly and perform various tasks without requiring a human operator, the most dangerous and time-consuming tasks previously performed by humans in many sectors are now accomplished by using UAVs. The increased use of UAVs has also introduced critical safety and security risks, including airspace congestion, collisions and malicious use, and therefore, identifying and assessing the risks associated with UAVs and finding ways to mitigate them is of great importance. This qualitative study investigates the safety and security risks posed by the increased use of UAVs and discusses ways to mitigate these risks. Semi-structured interviews with aviation professionals, including pilots, air traffic controllers and academicians, were conducted, and the collected data were analysed by using MAXQDA 24 qualitative analysis software. The results indicate that 86% of participants emphasised air traffic density as a major safety concern, while 71% underlined the need for dedicated air corridors and robust legal frameworks to reduce collision risks. These insights suggest that the safe integration of UAVs into current aviation systems demands a multifaceted strategy involving regulatory interventions, such as clearly defined UAV flight zones and essential technological enhancements. Overall, the study underscores the urgent need for coordinated efforts–legal, technological, and inter-institutional–to ensure the secure incorporation of UAVs into national airspace.
The intense search for security has, over the past half-century, become increasingly contradictory in the context of the current global unsettling. The techno-scientific search for increased security is now generating circles of increasing insecurity. This chapter is concerned to understand the foundational unsettling of that world space and its consequences for human security in general, including increasing ontological insecurity. The earliest and most dramatic example of this process is the nuclear revolution. With the dropping of the atomic bomb on civilians towards the end of World War II, the search for an ultimate weapon of mass destruction that would end the war created the conditions for escalating insecurity. The chapter documents elements of this process but, more importantly, seeks to broaden the usual emphasis, drawing the mechanics of military security into encompassing questions of human security (see also Chapter 8 on human security). The chapter draws parallels between the areas of nuclear security, anti-terrorist security, drone assassinations, and biosecurity to document the unsettling of the meaning and practice of contemporary global attempts to securitise.
This chapter deals with cash (banknotes and coins), the oldest and most traditional form of money in existence. Cash involves a paradox: On the one hand, it is technologically less advanced that modern means of payments like cards and apps, so one could presume that it should decline in use and eventually disappear. On the other, however, evidence for almost the whole world shows that the demand for cash is increasing, although it is used less frequently for certain types of transactions like online commerce, retail stores, and restaurants. Criminal activities may explain part of the puzzle, but not much. One advantage of cash is that it can be seen and touched, therefore appealing to the senses and conveying a sense of security. Another is that it ensures absolute privacy of transactions. Other important characteristics explaining the popularity of cash are that it is simple (it requires no technology or complication whatsoever); definitive (it instantly settles any financial obligation); private and personal (it appeals to the desire of confidentiality); and self-sufficient (it does not depend on any other infrastructure functioning). We conclude therefore that physical cash is a useful complement of a robust and diversified monetary system, in which digital means of payments gradually prevail.
In many areas experiencing severe impacts from climate change, it is not the state, but rather rebel groups who wield authority over populations. Rebels are often engaged in responding and adapting to the risks and impacts of climate change as part of their local governance efforts; however, a systematic consideration of the activities and implications has been lacking. This Element looks at a set of behaviors we call 'rebel environmental governance' (REG+). This refers to rebel actions aimed at protecting or managing the natural environment to affect civilian welfare amidst increasing pressures of climate change. A framework is advanced for understanding why rebels engage in environmental governance and the implications for security and climate governance. The Element brings rebel organizations into the conversation on climate change, highlighting their role in areas where state power is contested, weak, or absent. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
This chapter theorizes payment infrastructures as crucial material sites of hegemonic power in three different regards. First, the material form of payment technologies and the uneven routes of circulation produced by them are an integral part of the ways in which modern money and finance exercise power. Payment technology is not a neutral infrastructure, but a carrier of hegemonic power and potential site of hegemonic contestation. Second, payment infrastructure is inextricably connected to state security and sovereignty. State security and sovereignty were enabled and made durable with and through the payment infrastructure. Third, infrastructures are historically durable, though they may be rerouted or reinscribed. This chapter distills three elements that typify the hegemonic power of infrastructure and that can be used when taking “infrastructure” as the starting point for analysis. These elements are (1) sedimentation, (2) reach, and (3) disposition. The arguments are illustrated empirically by reference to the so-called financial war on terror, where financial infrastructures became a major but highly depoliticized site of security power. Empirically, this chapter focuses on the way in which the payment technology SWIFT and financial transactions are being appropriated for security purposes.
1911 to 1935 was a chaotic, yet foundational, period in the transformation of the police force in Tehran and Iran more broadly. The nationalization of modern Iranian policing can be traced back to this time period. This article explores the role of nationalism and anti-imperialism on policing, how the structure and process of policing underwent transformation, including how police were recruited, trained, and deployed. Localized and decentralized policing was slowly abandoned in favor of an integrated national force, with policing through mediation being replaced with the exercise of power in a top-down and center to periphery manner. Education of police officers also underwent transformation, as new strategies were pursued to create a modern nationalist Iranian police force.
The article summarizes the history of the Russian–Ukrainian encounters in memory politics from the 1990s to the start of the 2020s. It compares and contrasts Russia’a and Ukraine’s perceptions of the issues, goals, tasks, and methods of historical policy. Having a shared history and similar challenges in developing identities and tackling the politics of commemoration, the cultural elites and governments of both countries approached the task of identity-building from opposite perspectives. These differences stemmed from different interpretations of one’s nation’s place and role in world history. The article summarizes all critical points of disagreement regarding how the two countries understood their shared past and interpreted it. It observes the history of the joint initiatives between Russia and Ukraine to reconcile confronting narratives. The analysis shows how the shared past perceived and conceived in divergent ways amounted to the mnemonic anxiety and securitization of the collective memory clash of antagonistic versions of the past and triggered the conflict and war.
Disinformation and the spread of false information online have become a defining feature of social media use. While this content can spread in many ways, recently there has been an increased focus on one aspect in particular: social media algorithms. These content recommender systems provide users with content deemed ‘relevant’ to them but can be manipulated to spread false and harmful content. This chapter explores three core components of algorithmic disinformation online: amplification, reception and correction. These elements contain both unique and overlapping issues and in examining them individually, we can gain a better understanding of how disinformation spreads and the potential interventions required to mitigate its effects. Given the real-world harms that disinformation can cause, it is equally important to ground our understanding in real-world discussions of the topic. In an analysis of Twitter discussions of the term ‘disinformation’ and associated concepts, results show that while disinformation is treated as a serious issue that needs to be stopped, discussions of algorithms are underrepresented. These findings have implications for how we respond to security threats such as a disinformation and highlight the importance of aligning policy and interventions with the public’s understanding of disinformation.
The objective of this study is to develop a conceptual framework for use cases applicable to the development of an Internet of Things (IoT) system, designed for intelligent environments capable of managing the pandemic.
Methods
To achieve this objective, a comprehensive content analysis of scholarly articles from MDPI, PubMed, and Google Scholar was conducted. Best practices were identified, and various application examples were synthesized to establish an IoT-based framework.
Results
The study proposes measures for the implementation of technologically advanced environments and services while ensuring public compliance with these developments. Based on the identified use cases and enabled applications, a conceptual framework was formulated. The key use cases for IoT applications include traffic management, patient health monitoring, early virus detection, remote work facilitation, smart hygiene solutions, tracking infected individuals, monitoring social distancing, enhancing health care facilities, and ensuring quarantine compliance. To ensure rapid and effective implementation of policies, regulations, and government orders, robust architecture, applications, and technological infrastructures must be developed.
Conclusions
This study explores new architectural frameworks, potential use cases, and avenues for future advancements in IoT-based applications. The use cases are categorized as near-field measures, hybrid measures, centralized control mechanisms, and their integration in the defense against COVID-19.
Conclusions: I summarize some of the shortcomings of current international legal regimes for dealing adequately with grand corruption, summarize some promising avenues for doing so; evaluate the proposal to create an International Anti-Corruption Court, tackle some of the admitted shortcomings of my approach and note the convergence of current anti-corruption struggles with other social movements.
This book is a study of non-alignment as it was conceptualised and developed in the context of modern India, particularly in the period immediately after independence. The main architect of India’s external affairs at this juncture was the first Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. The book is restricted to events that took place during the time he held office, between the years 1947 and 1964. In particular, this study aims to study non-alignment as an approach to security and as an approach to politics. There are three themes along which the book proceeds. First, the book contends that non-alignment is understood vaguely and inaccurately, leading to protracted debates about its past relevance and continued significance; secondly, that non-alignment frames politics innovatively; and thirdly, that this is an immensely precarious wager that encounters many points of resistance, which are not adequately engaged with in a sustained theoretical manner in literature on non-alignment. Thus, the book will argue that there has yet to emerge a serious critique of the political nature of non-alignment.
Lay people often are misinformed about what is a secure password, what are the various types of security threats to passwords or password-protected resources, and the risks of certain compromising practices such as reusing passwords and required password expiration. Expert knowledge about password security has evolved considerably over time, but on many points, research supports general agreement among experts about best practices. Remarkably, though perhaps not surprisingly, there is a sizable gap between what experts agree on and what lay people believe and do. The knowledge gap might exist and persist because of intermediaries, namely professionals and practitioners as well as technological interfaces such as password meters and composition rules. In this chapter, we identify knowledge commons governance dilemmas that arise within and between different communities (expert, professional, lay) and examine implications for other everyday misinformation problems.
This article explores security cooperation between the Caribbean and Mexico,looking specifically at strategies being pursued to shift the focus in Latin America and the Caribbean from ‘the war on drugs’ to ‘the war on guns’ to address the problem of gun trafficking. This is a shift away from the United States’ priority to that of the region and a move towards a more assertive model of South–South security cooperation. The Caribbean Community and Common Market’s (CARICOM’s) strategy to support Mexico’s tortious and historic lawsuit against American gun manufacturers and to declare a ‘war on guns’ reflects its inability to independently influence the United States’ priorities within the region. Mexico, a Southern country, makes a difference because of its geopolitical relevance to the US, their shared border, and Washington’s attempt to stop the flow of Mexican immigration. We read the Mexico–Caribbean coalition as a significant development in South–South security cooperation (SSSC). Our analysis contributes to an understanding of the nuances and complexities of security cooperation, capacities for scaling up action through SSSC, and the political and legal manoeuvrings involved in challenging hierarchies of power between the so-called global North and South.
This article analyses Colombian South–South security cooperation. Drawing upon empirical research findings and by focusing on Colombian security engagements with other Latin American countries in the realm of military transformation, we identify the role of epistemological constructs as key drivers of Colombian South–South security cooperation. We demonstrate that Colombian policy and security actors intentionally created comparability between their own country and its security challenges, and the conditions existing in other countries of the region. This portrayal of idiosyncratic (in)security features as shared attributes across otherwise-different country contexts enables the transfer of security models rooted in Colombia’s expertise and experience. We show how such security-driven homologisation efforts enabled Colombian security practitioners to navigate international hierarchies, particularly unequal US–Colombian relations in their favour, allowing them to secure continued US support and position Colombian security expertise as a blueprint for addressing contemporary security challenges across the region and beyond.
Laboratory experiments are used to evaluate the extent to which players in games can coordinate investments that diminish the probability of losses due to security breaches or terrorist attacks. In this environment, economically sensible investments may be foregone if their potential benefits are negated by failures to invest in security at other sites. The result is a coordination game with a desirable high- payoff, high-security equilibrium and an undesirable low-security equilibrium that may result if players do not expect others to invest in security. One unique feature of this coordination situation is that investment in security by one player generates a positive externality such that all other players’ expected payoffs are increased, regardless of those other players’ investment decisions. Coordination failures are pervasive in a baseline experiment with simultaneous decisions, but coordination is improved if players are allowed to move in an endogenously determined sequence. In addition, coordinated security investments are observed more often when the largest single security threat to individuals is preventable by their own decisions to invest in security. The security coordination game is a “potential game,” and the success of coordination on the more secure equilibrium is related to the notion of potential function maximization and basin of attraction.
This article assesses local tensions that plague the U.S.-centered hub-and-spokes security framework in the Western Pacific region, which finds its most concrete expression in increasingly vulnerable legacy installations. I start by considering how people living outside the fence in places like Guam and Okinawa have tended to see the U.S. military, while summarizing global trends in U.S. base expansion and contraction outside of the continental United States (OCONUS). I tie this past to the most common dilemmas of global basing manifesting today, explain how these dilemmas have been understood, and highlight core concerns undergirding most base protest cultures. In the absence of sweeping policy changes to legal structures that disenfranchise militarized civilians in the most heavily fortified islands in the U.S. global base network, changing the way recent history is represented at U.S. controlled public sites could catalyze meaningful change within perennially troubled relationships between the U.S. military and overburdened host communities.